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In rare burst of bipartisanship last week, the House of Representatives passed a capital formation bill – H.R. 3606, the “Jumpstart Our Business Startups Act” (JOBS Act) – by a vote of 390 to 23. Even the White House issued a Statement of Administration Policy in support of the bill, which would ease regulatory burdens on business start-ups. With the Senate expected to complete votes on the highway bill today, Senate Republicans are pressuring the majority to move next to the JOBS Act.

In a letter to Senate Banking Committee Chairman Johnson (D-SD), who is reported to be working with Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) on developing a new, Senate version of the JOBS Act, Banking Committee Ranking Member Shelby (R-AL) raised objections with their drafting a new bill “without any input from Senate Republicans.” Shelby wrote that he “nevertheless” stands “ready to work with you to craft bipartisan legislation” and recommended that Johnson consider capital formation legislation introduced by Senators Scott Brown (S. 1791); Hutchison (S. 556); Thune (S. 1831); and Toomey (S. 1544, S. 1824, and S. 1933). All but two of the six bills Shelby listed have bipartisan sponsors.

Meanwhile, on the Senate floor this morning, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) emphatically urged the Majority Leader to “immediately take up the bipartisan jobs bill the House sent over last Thursday” once the Senate finishes the highway bill. McConnell went on to say, “The House-passed Jobs bill isn’t just important for what it does, but for what it represents. It’s a rare and welcome signal that lawmakers in Washington still value the risk-takers and the entrepreneurs who’ve always been so vital to our nation’s greatness...This is precisely the kind of thing we should be doing in Washington.”

At the end of his statement, McConnell asked for consent that the Senate take up the House JOBS bill and his Democratic colleagues objected. McConnell is expected to continue attempting to bring up the JOBS bill without much success, because Reid reportedly wants to scale back aspects of the House bill as well as add additional issues such as the reauthorization of the Export-Import Bank and an increase in the debt the Small Business Administration can guarantee for small business investment companies to $4 billion. Reid has said the Senate will next move to judicial nominations and has not offered a timeframe for the capital formation legislation.
 

Letter from Senator Shelby to Senate Banking Committee Chairman Johnson (PDF)

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This morning, Senate Republicans made good on their promise to block former Ohio Attorney General Richard Cordray’s nomination as director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

The Senate voted 53-45 to proceed with the confirmation, falling short of the 60 votes needed to prevent a filibuster. All but two Republicans voted to sustain the filibuster. Sen. Scott Brown (R-MA) is the only Republican Senator to publicly support Cordray, likely because he finds himself in a tight Senate race against CFPB architect Elizabeth Warren. Sen. Olympia Snowe (R-ME), who was one of only three Republicans to vote for Dodd-Frank, voted present.

So what comes next? The general consensus is: Nothing.

The House has taken steps over the last several months to prevent a recess appointment, and will likely continue to do so. The Obama Administration has not shown any sign of willingness to back down and change the bureau’s structure, nor is nominating another potential director likely to do any good. Republicans have made it clear that their hesitation has nothing to do with any individual candidate (though many believe Cordray was chosen in part because he is far less controversial than Warren); and no Senator on either side is likely to flip-flop on this issue going into an election year. In all likelihood, both sides will use it as a talking point throughout the 2012 election, with Democrats blaming Republicans for handicapping an agency aimed at protecting consumers and Republicans blaming Democrats for creating a regulatory agency without sufficient mechanisms to limit the director’s authority.

The Obama Administration has fought to rally support around Cordray in recent months. The CFPB has been operating without a director since it opened its doors on July 21, 2011, meaning that its authority is limited to banks and does not extend to non-banking financial institutions, including debt collectors, payday lenders and mortgage servicers. In May, 44 Republicans Senators sent a letter to President Obama vowing to block any nominee for director until the Bureau is restructured, namely by replacing its single director with a 5-person board. Senate Republican leaders have said that they are still waiting for a response to their letter.

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Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA), Ranking Member of the House Financial Services Committee, Father of Financial Regulatory Reform, and 16-term Congressman announced today that he will not be seeking re-election in 2012. Regardless of politics, few can deny that Rep. Frank has been a giant in the U.S. Congress, particularly in the financial sector, and that he will leave enormous shoes to fill. Within hours of the announcement, rumors began to circulate as to which Democrat will assume his prized seat on the financial services committee. Here are the top contenders:

Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA):

Rep. Waters, the second most senior Democrat on the committee, is believed by many to be the top choice, and sources say she wasted no time this afternoon before lobbying Members for support. Now in her 11th term in Congress, Waters is the Ranking Member of the powerful Subcommittee on Capital Markets and Government-Sponsored Enterprises and has chaired the Congressional Black Caucus. While Waters is the heir apparent, there may be obstacles in her way. She is currently under investigation by the House ethics committee for three alleged violations. The investigation will certainly continue into 2012. If the committee finds she violated House rules and/or refers her case to the Justice Department, her chances for committee leadership may diminish.

Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-NY):

Rep. Maloney is next in line after Waters and will certainly rise in influence following Rep. Frank’s departure. Elected in 1993, Maloney has a long history as an active, comparatively moderate member of the committee, and also has ties to the home of the nation’s financial sector. Rep. Maloney has chaired the Joint Economic Committee as well as the House Financial Services Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit. She was also the author of the Credit Card Accountability, Responsibility and Disclosure Act, also known as the “Credit Card Bill of Rights,” and has been called “the best friend a credit card user ever had.” Given the controversy surrounding Waters and industry’s potential preference for a more moderate voice, some speculate that Maloney could surpass Waters and take the top spot.

The speculation will certainly continue throughout the coming year, but no definitive answer will come until the 113th Congress is sworn in in 2013.

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On Tuesday, November 1, 2011, the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction held a hearing entitled “Overview of Previous Debt Proposals.” Former Clinton Chief of Staff Erskine Bowles and former Senator Alan Simpson (R-WY), co-chairs of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, as well as former Senator Pete Domenici (R-NM) and former Congressional Budget Office Director Dr. Alice Rivlin, co-chairs of the Bipartisan Policy Center Debt Reduction Task Force. From the day the Super Committee was formed, its members have said they would draw on previous deficit reduction proposals, specifically naming these two commissions.

During his opening remarks committee co-chair Jeb Hensarling (R-TX) commented that America faces a legitimate fiscal crisis and that structural reforms to entitlements, especially healthcare, are needed if the committee is going to fulfill its statutory responsibility to reduce the growth of the deficit by $1.5 trillion over the next ten years. He said he is especially concerned about the rising rate of Medicare spending and noted that it is not possible for the U.S. federal government to “tax away” its problems. Democratic co-chair Patty Murray (D-WA) reiterated the importance of striking a balanced and bipartisan deal that does not unduly burden the middle class and more vulnerable Americans. She reproached her Republican colleagues, saying that Democrats would be willing to make painful concessions if Republicans would do the same. She went on to say, “It’s not enough for either side to simply say they want to reduce the deficit – now is the time when everyone needs to be putting some real skin in the game and offering serious compromises.”

Simpson and Bowles testified before the committee on the findings of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform. They both urged the committee to take action on a comprehensive fiscal plan that will reduce the deficit. Mr. Bowles stated that the so-call “Simpson-Bowles” plan was based on six guiding principles – ensuring the plan would not disrupt a fragile economic recovery; protecting the truly disadvantaged; doing nothing to jeopardize the safety and security of the country; investing appropriately in education, infrastructure, and research; reforming the tax code; and cutting discretionary spending where appropriate. Simpson commented that he does not believe the committee’s mandate to find $1.5 trillion in deficit reduction is enough and that the Simpson-Bowles recommendation of reducing the deficit by $4 trillion is the minimum amount needed to restore the United States’ fiscal stability, stabilize U.S. debt, and begin to reduce the growing debt-to-GDP ratio. Both Simpson and Bowles warned the committee about the necessity of acting quickly, saying that while they acknowledged that it may not be possible for the committee to have the reforms drafted into legislative language and scored by the CBO by the November 23 reporting deadline, it is crucial that committee agree on an overall framework.

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On Wednesday, October 26, 2011, the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction held its fourth public hearing, entitled “Discretionary Outlays, Security and Non-Security.” The committee heard testimony from Congressional Budget Office (CBO) Director Douglas Elmendorf for the second time since it was empanelled in August.

Dr. Elmendorf offered multiple projections of discretionary spending over the next ten years, projecting what the deficit impact will be if the Super Committee meets its goal of creating at least $1.5 trillion in deficit reduction, as well as if the committee fails, triggering automatic across-the-board cuts. Dr. Elmendorf emphasized that while discretionary spending is certainly an important piece of the conversation, it is mandatory spending that is “overwhelming” GDP. He went on to say that without reforms to Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security, it will be difficult to achieve the needed savings.

Super Committee Co-Chair Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) said that the Super Committee “is not there yet,” but emphasized that progress is being made and said she is “hopeful” that the committee will be able to meet its November 23, 2011 deadline. Murray also reminded her colleagues that non-defense discretionary spending constitutes less than one-fifth of all federal spending and that the debt-ceiling deal that established the Super Committee already cut $800 billion from the deficit. She asked Dr. Elmendorf what the impact of additional discretionary cuts will be, and he responded that Americans will see a decrease in all services, ranging from national security to police and fire departments to highways.

Super Committee Co-Chair Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX) emphasized the need for the Super Committee to tackle Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security. He listed a number of discretionary programs that have continued to increase their spending, even as the overall economy and family incomes have shrunk.

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After the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation released its proposed “Volcker Rule,” Republicans on the House Financial Services Committee were quick to announce hearings on the proposed regulations.

It’s a Dodd-Frank paradigm that we have come to know all too well: regulators continue to make slow progress to implement the many rulemakings required under the financial reform law, and with each new regulation, Republicans haven’t been far behind, working to repeal, scale back or defund every move the regulators have made. The hotly-contested Volcker Rule has proven to be no exception.

A House Financial Services Committee spokesman said the hearing will look at the economic impact and competitiveness of the proposed rule. The hearing will likely take place in early November.

The draft rule, which was formally released by the FDIC on October 11th and was approved by the Securities and Exchange Commission this morning, is 205 pages and seeks to ban banks or institutions that own banks from engaging in proprietary trading that isn’t at the behest of their clients and from owning or investing in hedge funds or private equity funds. The rule would also limit the liabilities the largest banks could hold and preclude those banks from gaining from or hedging against short-term price movements in the securities and derivatives markets. The proposal includes exceptions for market making for customers and for hedging against risky trades made on customers’ behalf.

Proponents say that the rule will eliminate the need for future bailouts, though some are already making the case that the rule doesn’t go far enough, and it defined proprietary trading too narrowly. Major financial firms, including Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase and Bank of America have already closed their proprietary trading desks in anticipation of the rule, though firms continue to argue that the rule is unnecessary, difficult to implement, and will harm their ability to compete in the global market. The GAO released a report this past summer on the Volcker Rule, noting the difficulty in detecting proprietary trading and calling it “cumbersome” and “difficult to enforce.”
The rule will be open for comment until January 2012 and would take effect on July 21, 2012 – the second anniversary of Dodd-Frank; though some say certain banks would have until 2017 to fully comply.

The Volcker Rule is a proposal by former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker to restrict U.S. banks from making certain kinds of speculative investments that do not benefit their customers. Volcker argued that this kind of proprietary trading, where deposits are used to trade on the bank’s personal accounts, played a key role in the 2008 financial crisis.

The Commodity Futures Trading Commission has said that it may put forth its own version of the Volcker rule. Scott O’Malia, a Republican commissioner at the CFTC, said he spoke to CFTC Chairman Gary Gensler on Friday and quoted the chairman as saying, "We might, if it's the will of the commission, put forward ... a virtually identical proposal with the other regulators, or we could go it alone." O’Malia continued, "He's not committing either way."

Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA), for whom Dodd-Frank is named, as well as Sens. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) and Carl Levin (D-MI), who first introduced the Volcker rule during the Dodd-Frank debate last summer, have yet to publicly comment on the proposed rule.

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The Senate Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Development voted this morning to confirm former Ohio Attorney General Richard Cordray as director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The committee approved the nomination by a party-line vote of 12 to 10, with all Republican members voting against, as they have repeatedly vowed to do until the CFPB is restructured. The nomination must now come to a vote before the full Senate to complete Mr. Cordray’s confirmation. However, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has united the Republican caucus to block the nomination (until the bureau is restructured), and it is unclear when the Senate will actually take up the nomination. The CFPB was created by the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act and officially opened its doors on July 21, 2011, but its powers are limited until it has a Senate-confirmed director.

The Senate Committee also unanimously approved the nominations of Alan B. Krueger to be a Member of the Council of Economic Advisers; David A. Montoya to be Inspector General, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development; Cyrus Amir-Mokri to be an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, U.S. Department of the Treasury; Patricia M. Loui to be a Member of the Board of Directors, Export-Import Bank of the United States; and Larry W. Walther to be a Member of the Board of Directors, Export-Import Bank of the United States.

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In the year since the passage of Dodd-Frank, House Republicans have launched a number of attacks against the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), calling it wasteful, inefficient, and incompetent and blaming it for problems ranging from the Madoff Ponzi scheme to the 2008 financial crisis. The SEC has been called anti-free market, anti-business and anti-Main Street, but during yesterday’s day-long House Financial Services Committee hearing on SEC Oversight, Rep. Bill Posey (R-FL) came up with a new one; saying, “The SEC is fracking crazy!”

SEC Chairman Mary Schapiro has plenty of experience being on the defensive, but yesterday even she appeared stunned as legislators asked her why the SEC is overstepping the EPA’s authority and regulating hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, a process used to access underground reserves of natural gas and oil. Shapiro insisted that the SEC’s questions about fracking have been strictly limited to assessing the actual value of oil and gas reserves as printed in investor disclosure documents. However, several reports now claim that the SEC has asked for specific information regarding the chemicals being used as well as companies’ efforts to minimize environmental impacts, asserting that those inquiries cannot reasonably relate to valuing the assets. Further, many companies are now alleging that the SEC is requiring them to disclose proprietary information which could harm their ability to compete.

Rep. Steve Pearce (R-NM) asked Ms. Schapiro about the sources of payments to defrauded Madoff investors as well as the details of several bankruptcy cases where millions of dollars of state and federal funds were lost in bankruptcy. When Ms. Schapiro said that she was not familiar with those cases, Rep. Pearce responded that he was confused as to why the SEC is focusing its energies on regulating fracking while complaining that it lacks the resources to perform its basic duties.

While the true details of the SEC’s interest in fracking may never come to light, House Republicans are conducting vigorous SEC oversight and holding the agency to a standard that it has never in its very mixed history proven it is able to meet. Members continue to argue that the SEC will not receive more funding until it becomes more effective, and the SEC continues to insist that it cannot become more effective until it receives more funding. It’s a Catch-22 without an obvious solution.

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During yesterday’s Senate Banking Committee nomination hearing, Senators on both sides of the aisle assured Richard Cordray, the president’s nominee for director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, that he is not the problem.

Tuesday’s nomination hearing stood in stark contrast to the hearings held in both the House and the Senate over the past year, where CFPB creator  and once-presumed director Elizabeth Warren faced harsh, often personal attacks from many House and Senate Republicans. Cordray, on the other hand, received nothing but compliments from committee members, who instead launched their criticisms at each other and/or the structure of the new bureau.

Democrats blasted Senate Republicans for stalling the confirmation process. Senate Banking Committee Chairman Tim Johnson (D-SD) touted the many checks imposed on the director’s authority, saying that Republican “claims that the CFPB is not accountable are little more than efforts to destroy this important agency.” He went on to accuse his GOP colleagues of “playing political games” and “holding Mr. Cordray’s nomination hostage.” His fellow Democrats echoed these criticisms, asking Cordray if he had heard a single member of the Senate question his qualifications to lead the CFPB (he had not) and blasting Republicans for trying to “re-legislate” a bill which was passed by the Congress with (albeit minimal) bipartisan support.

Republicans maintained their contention that the CFPB lacks sufficient checks and balances and reiterated their promise to block the confirmation until structural changes are made to the bureau. Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) said that the hearing was “quite premature” and criticized President Obama and Senate Democrats for “ignoring the reasonable reforms” Senate Republicans proposed earlier this year. Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN) said that he was “shocked” by how partisan the committee had become and by “how many mistruths were being spewed” by Democrats. Corker asserted that the CFPB clearly lacks meaningful accountability and cited as evidence the language in Dodd-Frank instructing that the director’s actions can only be overruled by the Financial Stability Oversight Council if those actions “undermine the stability of the U.S. Financial System.” Both Sen. Shelby and Sen. Corker apologized to Cordray about being “caught up in all of this,” but warned that the Republicans will not give in until the changes are made.

While the Democrats have the votes to advance the nomination out of committee, 44 Republicans, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY), have vowed to block any nominee for director until the CFPB is restructured, and as of yet, neither side shows any signs of compromise.

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After nearly three months of intense negotiations between the White House and Congress, President Obama signed into law yesterday the Budget Control Act of 2011 (S.365) (the “Act”), a bill that establishes a process for raising the $14.3 trillion statutory debt ceiling by at least $2.1 trillion and results in deficit reductions totaling at least $2.117 trillion over 10 years.

With the Treasury Department’s August 2 deadline for raising the nation’s borrowing capacity looming, President Obama and Congressional leadership in both chambers formulated a last minute compromise on July 31 that succeeded in averting an unprecedented and potentially catastrophic national default that threatened to destabilize both the U.S. economy and global markets.

In a pivotal House vote on Monday evening, 174 Republicans and 95 Democrats rallied to approve the Act by a vote of 269-161. Viewed by many as a test of House Leadership, Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) and Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) were able to muster sufficient votes from their respective caucuses despite deep misgivings from Republicans who called for additional spending cuts and Democrats who called for a combination of spending cuts and revenue increases. On Tuesday, the Senate followed suit by passing the Act by a vote of 74-26, with 19 Republicans, 6 Democrats and 1 Independent voting in opposition.

Overall, President Obama and Congressional Democrats successfully secured debt limit increases large enough to extend through the 2012 elections, while Congressional Republicans were equally successful in preventing deficit reduction by way of revenue increases. However, the Act’s creation of a 12-member Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction, tasked with reducing the deficit by at least $1.2 trillion through fiscal 2021 virtually guarantees that a thorny debate over the national debt—particularly as it relates to taxes and entitlement spending—will resume quickly when Congress returns from its month-long August recess.

Below is a summary of the key provisions of the bill:

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After nearly three months of intense negotiations between the White House and Congress, President Obama signed into law yesterday the Budget Control Act of 2011 (S.365) (the “Act”), a bill that establishes a process for raising the $14.3 trillion statutory debt ceiling by at least $2.1 trillion and results in deficit reductions totaling at least $2.117 trillion over 10 years.

With the Treasury Department’s August 2 deadline for raising the nation’s borrowing capacity looming, President Obama and Congressional leadership in both chambers formulated a last minute compromise on July 31 that succeeded in averting an unprecedented and potentially catastrophic national default that threatened to destabilize both the U.S. economy and global markets.

In a pivotal House vote on Monday evening, 174 Republicans and 95 Democrats rallied to approve the Act by a vote of 269-161. Viewed by many as a test of House Leadership, Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) and Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) were able to muster sufficient votes from their respective caucuses despite deep misgivings from Republicans who called for additional spending cuts and Democrats who called for a combination of spending cuts and revenue increases. On Tuesday, the Senate followed suit by passing the Act by a vote of 74-26, with 19 Republicans, 6 Democrats and 1 Independent voting in opposition.

Overall, President Obama and Congressional Democrats successfully secured debt limit increases large enough to extend through the 2012 elections, while Congressional Republicans were equally successful in preventing deficit reduction by way of revenue increases. However, the Act’s creation of a 12-member Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction, tasked with reducing the deficit by at least $1.2 trillion through fiscal 2021 virtually guarantees that a thorny debate over the national debt—particularly as it relates to taxes and entitlement spending—will resume quickly when Congress returns from its month-long August recess.

Below is a summary of the key provisions of the bill:

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The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) officially opened its doors yesterday and wasted no time before assuming its duties. The bureau sent letters to the CEOs of the financial institutions that fall under its supervision and opened its new consumer complaint hotline. In the coming week, it is expected to issue three reports to Congress: one examining the differences between credit scores sold to consumers and scores used by lenders to make credit decisions; one recommending a strategy for maximizing transparency and disclosure of exchange rate information; and one outlining the recruitment, training, benefits and retention plans for CFPB staff. The CFPB will also issue several interim rules, outlining protocols ranging from record-keeping to investigation and enforcement.

The House celebrated Dodd-Frank’s birthday by voting to change the structure and oversight authority of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB). By a count of 241-173, the House voted to replace the CFPB director with a five-person board, making it more similar to the leadership structures of the other financial regulators. The bill also empowers the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) to overturn CFPB regulations with a simple majority vote. Under Dodd-Frank, the FSOC needs a two-thirds vote to overturn any CFPB rulings. The House bill also requires that the CFPB have a Senate-confirmed director before it takes on any of its authority, not simply its authority over non-banks, as the Act requires. Ten Democrats voted for the measure, and one Republican, Rep. Walter Jones (R-NC), voted against it.

Most Democrats say the House bill is yet another attempt to undermine the CFPB’s authority. The bill now heads to the Senate, where it is unlikely to garner sufficient Democratic support to pass.

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The nation’s leading financial regulators took their battle for more implementation and enforcement funding to Capitol Hill Thursday. Their testimony was offered on the first anniversary of the signing of the Dodd-Frank Act.The witness panel at the Senate Banking Committee consisted of Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA), for whom the Act was named; Deputy Treasury Secretary Neal Wolin; Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke; Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Mary Shapiro; Commodity Futures Trading Commission Chairman Gary Gensler; Federal Deposit Insurance Commission Acting Chairman Martin Gruenberg; and Acting Comptroller of the Currency John Walsh. Not represented was the agency whose funding is most controversial – the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The CFPB opened its doors for business today.

The witnesses met with the mixed response they must have expected . Senate Banking Committee Chairman Tim Johnson (D-SD) opened the hearing by applauding the regulators for their work over the past year and emphasized that “Congress must do its part” to actively oversee the implementation of Dodd-Frank in the years to come. Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL), on the other hand, expressed his frustration with the law, saying that it “provides little comfort to millions of Americans who are facing harsh economic realities.” Sen. Shelby went on to say that when Dodd-Frank was being considered in the Senate the-Senator Chris Dodd (D-CT), for whom the bill is also named, assured him that there would be strong oversight and accountability in the regulatory agencies. Shelby said he regrets that that hasn’t been the case.

Each of the regulators devoted his or her testimony to justifying the regulatory delays and petitioning for increased funding from Congress. Gensler said that regulations have been delayed because “It is more important to get it right, than to work against the clock.” Shapiro argued that the regulators cannot possibly fulfill all of their new responsibilities without increased resources.

Regulatory agencies have taken a hit in House Republicans’ latest attacks on Dodd-Frank. The House Financial Services Appropriations bill slashed several regulators’ budgets to levels at or below their pre-Dodd-Frank budgets, when they had far fewer responsibilities. Frank criticized the cuts during his testimony, saying that Congress can’t argue that it can’t afford to fund regulatory agencies when it continues to spend billions of dollars in overseas conflicts. It should be noted, the Senate Banking Committee is not the venue to battle the funding cuts suggested by the House Appropriations Committee. The Senate Appropriations Committee will take up the spending plan for most of these agencies later this year.

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In her last act before leaving Washington this week, Elizabeth Warren, Special Advisor to the Secretary of the Treasury for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, testified before the House Oversight and Government Affairs Committee, while the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Development also took on the CFPB in its own hearing. At both hearings, Republicans made it clear that they are concerned about the bureau’s lack of accountability. Many reiterated the Republican leadership’s promise to block any nominee for director until the bureau’s management is restructured.

On July 14, Elizabeth Warren testified before the House Committee on Oversight and Government Affairs in a hearing entitled, “Consumer Financial Protection Efforts: Answers Needed.” Twenty-seven Members of the 40-member committee attended the four-hour hearing and questioned Ms. Warren on issues ranging from her vision for the bureau to its budget and oversight authority.

Throughout the hearing, the committee was visibly polarized. On one side, Republicans, led by Committee Chairman Darrell Issa (R-CA), argued that the bureau needs significantly more Congressional oversight and also needs to do more to preserve personal liberty, giving the American people the ability to make financial choices for themselves, rather than forcing them toward “what’s best for them.” On the other side, Democrats, headed by Ranking Member Elijah Cummings (D-MD) insisted that the CFPB is as accountable as any other financial regulator and said that the issue is a matter of putting consumers’ interests above those of big Wall Street banks.

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In yet another attempt to hinder the implementation of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, the House Appropriations Committee passed two measures this week to dramatically cut the budgets of key regulatory agencies.

The 2012 Financial Services Appropriations Bill includes $12.2 billion for the Treasury Department, which is $929 million below last year’s level and nearly $2 billion below the President’s request. The bill also limits mandatory funds for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) to $200 million and subjects it to annual appropriations, giving the House more oversight capability. In addition, the bill limits funding to the Office of Financial Stability to $200 million. The bill provides $1.2 billion for the Securities and Exchange Commission, which is equal to last year’s levels and $222 million below the President’s request.

The 2012 Agriculture Appropriations Bill includes $172 million for the CFTC, a 15 percent cut from last year and nearly half of the $308 million the President requested. Subcommittee Chairman Jack Kingston (R-GA) said the bill takes spending to pre-stimulus, pre-bailout levels while ensuring that the CFTC and other agencies “are provided the necessary resources to fulfill their duties.” CFTC Chairman Gary Gensler has been saying for over a month that the CFTC cannot possibly fulfill its new role under Dodd-Frank without additional resources, but Republicans counter that the CFTC has been granted too broad authority and has been overstepping its role.

Some members are taking it even further, with Rep. Scott Garrett (R-NJ) introducing an amendment yesterday which prohibits the CFTC to use appropriated funds to promulgate any final rules until 12 months after the final swaps rules are completed. The swaps rules are slated to be finalized in December 2011, which means the CFTC would be at a standstill until at least December 2012.

CFTC Gary Gensler told the Agriculture Committee yesterday that these budget cuts will stymie the agencies’ ability to enforce Dodd-Frank, which appears to be what the Republicans are banking on.

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On Thursday, all 10 Republican members of the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee—led by Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN)—wrote a letter to committee chairman Tim Johnson (D-SD) urging him to “hold hearings and a mark-up as soon as reasonably possible on legislation to establish an accountable governance structure for the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection.”

This latest action follows a May 2 letter signed by 44 Senate Republicans to President Obama that threatened to block any CFPB director nominee—regardless of party affiliation—unless appropriate accountability mechanisms for the CFPB are addressed by Congress. In both instances, Senate Republicans are calling for the adoption of three specific CFPB reforms, including:

1. altering the CFPB’s leadership structure from that of a single director to a board of directors, similar to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), Federal Reserve Board, or Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC);
2. subjecting the CFPB to the congressional appropriations process; and
3. providing prudential bank regulators with stronger tools to prevent CFPB regulations that may impact the safety-and-soundness of banks.

The tactic is clearly an attempt to force the hands of President Obama and Senate Democrats by using the confirmation process as a leverage point. Unless President Obama chooses to circumvent the Senate confirmation process through a recess appointment—a move deemed by many as politically controversial—he and Chairman Johnson will be forced to recognize many of the Senate GOP’s demands for CFPB reform. The House Financial Services Committee has already passed three bills that nearly mirror the Senate proposals.

Also in the House, senior House Financial Services Committee member Carolyn Maloney (D-NY) has circulated a “Dear Colleague” letter requesting that House members sign a letter to President Obama urging him to appoint Elizabeth Warren to the CFPB director position during one of the upcoming congressional recesses.

“Since Republican senators have said that no one is acceptable unless the law is weakened, we would urge you to nominate Professor Warren as the CFPB’s first director anyway,” says Maloney’s letter to President Obama.
 

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With near-perfect unity, Senate Republicans joined their House counterparts this week in calling for significant structural reforms to the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB). And unlike the House, the Senate can take hostages.

On Monday, 44 Republican Senators sent a letter to President Obama threatening to block any CFPB director nominee—regardless of party affiliation—unless their concerns regarding the new agency’s structure and lack of appropriate accountability mechanisms are addressed by Congress. Senators Scott Brown (MA) and Lisa Murkowski (AK) were the only Republicans not to sign the letter.

Specifically, the GOP letter calls for the adoption of reforms in three main areas, including:

• Leadership Structure - Alter the CFPB’s leadership structure from that of a single director to a board of directors, similar to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), Federal Reserve Board, or Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). GOP senators expressed concern that Dodd-Frank “failed to provide any real checks on the CFPB director’s powers” by providing limited tools for Congress or the administration to remove a director for poor performance and granting the director with “unfettered authority” over the CFPB’s annual budget.

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The Obama administration’s February report that outlined a series of near-term and long-term proposals for reforming Government-Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs) Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac provided a starting point for Congressional debate—and now House Republicans appear ready to act.

This afternoon, Republicans on the House Financial Services Committee held a press conference to unveil eight separate proposals for providing near-term reforms to Fannie and Freddie. Several of the GOP proposals mirror those made by the Obama administration, including an increase in Fannie and Freddie’s guarantee fees and a winding down of both GSE’s investment portfolios, which currently hover around $1 trillion. Of particular significance, however, is the GOP’s omission of a long-term proposal for replacing Fannie and Freddie, highlighting the difficulty in significantly decreasing the GSE’s outsized role in the U.S. housing finance market.

Below is a summary of each GOP proposal: 

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Coinciding with Elizabeth Warren’s inaugural testimony before Congress in her capacity as Special Advisor to the Secretary of the Treasury for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) on Wednesday, House Financial Services Committee Chairman Spencer Bachus (R-AL) revived a dormant proposal that would decentralize the leadership of what Bachus calls the “most powerful agency that’s ever been created in Washington.”

Joined by 26 GOP colleagues, Bachus introduced H.R.1121, the Responsible Consumer Financial Protection Regulations Act, legislation that would replace the position of CFPB Director with a five-member Commission consisting of members that are nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate. In addition, H.R. 1121 requires the commission to be comprised of no more than three members of the same political party—a bipartisan structure similar to that of the FTC, FDIC and SEC. According to Bachus, Dodd-Frank consolidates too much authority in the hands of a single CFPB director.

The commission structure—an idea first proposed in Congress by former Rep. Walt Minnick (D-ID) during the initial stages of the Dodd-Frank debate in 2009—has long been under discussion on Capitol Hill and was ultimately included within the financial reform legislation that first passed the House in December of 2009. (The commission language was ultimately scrapped during the House-Senate conference negotiations.)

Although no Democrats have signed onto H.R. 1121 thus far, House Republicans view the commission proposal as perhaps the most palatable CFPB reform option for Congressional Democrats, who have remained unified in resisting recent GOP efforts to slash the agency’s budget.

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Led by House Financial Services Committee Chairman Spencer Bachus (R-AL), 34 of the committee’s Republicans sent a letter to the six agency heads charged with implementing the Dodd-Frank Act stating that the members are “troubled by the volume and pace of rulemakings” under the Act. Citing the sheer number of rules, the diverse array of issue areas, and the truncated comment periods, the members are concerned that businesses and consumers will not have adequate opportunity to provide meaningful input into the process. The current comment periods are averaging 30-45 days as opposed to the typical 60 day periods that agencies usually allow for significant rules. The rushed time frames also cause the lawmakers to worry that the “consistency of rules across agencies” will be compromised and that the rules will not contain adequate regulatory flexibility for small businesses. The letter poses eight detailed questions to the financial regulators – the Treasury, Federal Reserve, Commodity Futures Trading Commission, Securities and Exchange Commission, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and Comptroller of the Currency – and asks for their responses no later than March 25, 2011.

Click here for the full text of the letter.

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In an abrupt and somewhat anti-climactic fashion, House and Senate Congressional leadership temporarily averted the first government-wide shutdown since 1996 this week, agreeing to a two-week extension of a Continuing Resolution (CR) that will fund government operations through March 18.

With recent public polls showing that neither Democrats nor Republicans would benefit from a protracted budget stalemate, the White House is now ramping up its engagement, as Vice President Joe Biden and Congressional leaders are in the middle of behind-the-scenes negotiations to hammer out a long-term agreement to fund government operations for the remaining seven months of Fiscal Year 2011.

The recent budget deal and the White House’s active engagement may provide relief to some of the roughly 2 million civilian employees on Uncle Sam’s payroll, but don’t tell that to the folks at the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC). Despite substantial new regulatory responsibilities granted to the agencies under the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Pub.L. 111-203, H.R. 4173), both the SEC and CFTC budgets for FY11 and FY12 are under attack.

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Entitled "The Effect of Dodd-Frank on Small Financial Institutions and Small Businesses,” Wednesday afternoon’s hearing before the House Financial Services Subcommittee on Financial Institutions & Consumer Credit was intended to provide a venue for banking industry leaders to decry the oft-maligned Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) and other potential regulatory hurdles stemming from the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Pub.L. 111-203, H.R. 4173).

Interchange fees, however, appeared to be all banking industry leaders wanted to talk about—providing the latest signal that the Congressional debate over the controversial “Durbin Amendment” is far from over.

In 2010, the National Association of Federal Credit Unions (NAFCU), the Independent Community Bankers of America (ICBA) and other influential banking industry groups waged a full-scale—albeit unsuccessful—lobbying effort to strip from the Dodd-Frank legislation an amendment offered by Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL) that would require the Federal Reserve to enact rules to limit the interchange fees paid by retailers and merchants for the acceptance of debit card payments. Although the Durbin amendment attempted to limit the exposure to credit unions and community banks through the inclusion of an exemption for banks with assets of $10 billion or less, witnesses at Tuesday’s hearing say a proposed rule issued by the Fed in December limiting fees from the current 44-cent average to 7-12 cents per transaction would have a “potentially devastating” effect on small financial institutions and consumers.

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In the political heat of the 2010 Congressional debate over the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Pub.L. 111-203, H.R. 4173), Republicans in both the House and Senate offered up amendments that would have eliminated the federal government’s $150 billion support of the beleaguered housing giants, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and would have led the two Government-Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs) on a speedy path to full privatization.

In 2011, with a new House majority and the Financial Services Committee (HFSC) gavel in hand, the GOP and its previously-offered proposals for reigning in Fannie and Freddie—which collectively guarantee or own an estimated 50 percent of all new U.S. home mortgages—do not appear as simple or clear-cut in practice.

At the heart of the questions raised at this morning’s HFSC hearing over the Obama administration’s newly-released proposals for GSE reform were what the federal government’s long-standing role in the housing finance system should be and how a diminished federal role will affect U.S. homeownership, consumer access to credit, support for low-income communities, and a still-fragile U.S. housing market.

Providing testimony was Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, who relayed the Obama administration’s hope that Congress can approve legislation within the next two years to dismantle Fannie and Freddie over an extended timeframe and slowly shift the mortgage credit industry closer to the private market. Geithner cautioned against Congress moving too slowly or too quickly, stating that either move could further destabilize the U.S. housing market and potentially disrupt the broader economic recovery.

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Resolving a Federal budget impasse that threatens the first government-wide shutdown since 1995 will undoubtedly be Congress’s top priority when it returns on Monday following a week-long President’s Day recess. But who says lawmakers can’t walk and chew gum at the same time? Below is a preview of next week’s critical financial services hearings on Capitol Hill, as both chambers continue to oversee the implementation of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 and discuss various proposals for reforming the housing finance sector.

GSE Reform

Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner will make his first appearance of the year before the full House Financial Services Committee (HFSC) on Tuesday to discuss the Obama Administration’s long-awaited report to Congress—unveiled on February 11—that details both short-term administration initiatives and long-term options for reforming Government-Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs) Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. House Republicans have targeted GSE reform as a key agenda item for the 112th Congress, as the HFSC has already conducted three separate hearings related to housing finance this Congress.

In addition, HFSC Chairman Spencer Bachus (R-AL) announced yesterday that his committee will be marking up four separate bills that will seek to terminate Obama administration foreclosure and housing assistance programs that Bachus argues are “doing more harm than good for struggling homeowners.” The Home Affordable Modification Program (HAMP), the Neighborhood Stabilization Program, the FHA Refinance Program, and the Emergency Homeowner Relief Program would all be terminated under the GOP proposals.

Republicans have been particularly critical of HAMP, a program spearheaded in March of 2009 by the Obama administration to assist struggling homeowners avoid foreclosure by providing federal incentives for borrowers, servicers and investors to modify delinquent home loans. HAMP has led to over 500,000 permanently modified home loans, yet has fallen far short of the Obama administration’s initial goal of 3 to 4 million modifications.

Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB)

On Wednesday, the House Financial Services Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit – chaired by West Virginia Republican Shelley Moore-Capito – will conduct a hearing entitled "The Effect of Dodd-Frank on Small Financial Institutions and Small Businesses.” The CFPB’s potential impact on U.S. job creation and commercial credit access are likely to dominate the discussion.

The hearing follows the House’s passage on February 19 of a Continuing Resolution (CR) – a bill to fund government operations through September 30, 2011—that would cap the Federal Reserve’s funding for the CFPB at $80 million, representing a steep cut from the $134 million the White House requested for the agency’s FY11 start-up costs. Under the Dodd-Frank legislation, once the CFPB is officially established in July 2011, its funding will derive from the Federal Reserve’s operating expenses budget and could be as high as $500 million in FY12.

During the House budget debate, Chairwoman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Financial Services Jo Ann Emerson (R-MO) defended the hefty cuts. "Providing half a billion dollars a year without any congressional oversight to the bureau is, I believe, a very irresponsible abdication of a constitutional check and balance," said Emerson.

Derivatives

Newly-minted Chairwoman of the Senate Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry Committee, Debbie Stabenow (D-MI) will hold a hearing on Thursday to review agency implementation of Dodd-Frank’s provisions related to the regulation of over-the-counter swaps markets.

The hearing will primarily focus on Dodd-Frank’s imposition of enhanced regulatory requirements on the derivative market and its participants, including a requirement for stringent margin and capital requirements for all derivative market participants. During a HFSC oversight hearing on February 15, Commodity Futures Trading Commission Chairman Gary Gensler attempted to alleviate lawmaker and industry concerns that the new derivatives regulations will negatively impact so-called commercial “end-users” – those businesses ranging from farm equipment manufacturers to breweries -- who seek to hedge against interest rates and raw material prices through derivatives contracts. Gensler testified that the CFTC, which has been given broad leeway in determining the businesses who will be exempted under the law, does not intend to target legitimate commercial end-users.

Stay tuned for hearing updates next week.
 

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At a closed-door House Republican conference meeting today, nine-term Congressman Spencer Bachus (R-AL) was selected by his colleagues to chair the House Financial Services Committee when Republicans assume power come January.

In the 112th Congress, Bachus will likely continue his conservative voting record and fulfill his stated intentions to make GSE reform and the reexamination of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (H.R. 4173) —particularly the provisions related to the newly-established Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) and derivatives regulation—his top priorities.

Bachus has reserved some of his most pointed criticism for the CFPB, which he fiercely opposed during the congressional Dodd-Frank debate, and has often referred to as the “Credit Allocation Bureau.” In late November, Bachus joined fellow committee colleague, Rep. Judy Biggert (R-IL), in sending letters to the inspector generals of both the Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve, directing them to conduct an investigation and issue reports to Congress regarding the work currently being done by Treasury, the Fed and White House special advisor, Elizabeth Warren, to establish the CFPB. The letters cite "a clear absence of accountability and transparency" regarding the CFPB’s implementation and thus requires "rigorous" administration oversight. Bachus’s recent letters are part of a broader effort to “reinvigorate the committee’s oversight role,” in the next Congress. Bachus is expected to join with fellow Republican Darrell Issa (CA), the incoming chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, to quickly initiate Dodd-Frank oversight hearings in 2011.

Although Bachus has served as the committee’s top Republican since beating out Howard Baker (R-LA) in 2006 and was considered the leading contender for the chairmanship, he was challenged this week by senior committee member Ed Royce (R-CA). However, Bachus was assisted by significant support from his senior Republican colleagues, as six senior Financial Services subcommittee members and the vice chairman all signed a letter on November 5 supporting his candidacy.

Bachus will replace outgoing Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA), who is expected to reassume the role of ranking member, a position he last held in 2006.
 

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The results of the 2010 mid-term elections are now in, meaning it’s time to begin analyzing what a new Republican House majority and a more narrowly divided Democratic Senate majority will represent for financial reform efforts in the 112th Congress.

Speaking to reporters this morning, House Minority Leader and likely the next Speaker of the House, John Boehner (R-OH), appeared to tone down previous calls by him and fellow GOP colleagues for a repeal of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, instead expressing his caucus’s intention to begin closely scrutinizing the implementation of the sweeping financial reform legislation through aggressive oversight. The GOP is expected to focus its sights on the following—the newly-created Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB); FDIC resolution authority that allows the agency to wind down failing financial institutions; and new rules governing financial derivatives. Republican gains in both the House and Senate will almost assuredly nix President Obama’s ability to usher through the Senate a potential nomination of Elizabeth Warren as a permanent director of the CFPB.

Despite the GOP’s renewed focus on overseeing and potentially repealing certain provisions of Dodd-Frank, a Democratic-controlled White House and Senate will still significantly hamper Republicans’ ability to pass any broad or sweeping changes. The most viable tool at Republicans’ disposal will be the power of the purse, as attempts could be made to prevent Dodd-Frank’s implementation through the withholding of federal appropriations to certain agencies. However, from a political standpoint, it remains to be seen whether the new House majority will risk being viewed by the electorate as proponents of Wall Street deregulation when looking ahead to 2012.

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With only 34 days remaining before the November 2nd mid-term elections, President Obama signed into law on Monday the Small Business Jobs and Credit Act of 2010 (H.R. 5297), a bill that represents Congress’s final legislative attempt at stimulating the sluggish economy before House and Senate lawmakers leave Washington this week to finish out their reelection campaigns.

The centerpiece of H.R. 5297—and the provision which drew the fiercest Republican opposition—is the creation of a $30 billion lending fund that allows Treasury to invest in small to medium-sized financial institutions that will, in turn, be encouraged to increase small business lending. The legislation also includes roughly $12 billion in tax breaks and incentives for small businesses.

Long stalled in the Senate, H.R. 5297 was unable to muster the 60 votes necessary to overcome a Republican filibuster in late July, as a party-line vote of 58-42 failed to invoke cloture and essentially halted the bill’s movement until after Congress returned from its August recess. Upon return in September, Senate Democrats reached 60 votes by picking off the support of Republican Senators George Voinovich (OH) and George LeMieux (FL), both of whom will be retiring from the Senate after this Congress.

Below is a summary of the key provisions included within H.R. 5297:

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On July 16, 2010, Blank Rome presented a webinar on The Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010.

This legislation will affect everyone, from financiers working on Wall Street to publicly-traded companies in all industries to consumers on Main Street. To view a video presentation of the topics discussed during the webinar please click on the individual links below.

The Blank Rome team addressed the following provisions of the financial reform bill:

• Political Overview—the Evolution of the Financial Reform Legislation
• Executive Compensation and Shareholder Rights—New Rules for "Say-on-Pay" and Independent Compensation Committees
• New Rules for Banks and Derivatives—Capital Requirements, Bank Fees and "the Volcker Rule", Central Clearing and Trading, Increased Market Transparency, and Regulating Foreign Exchange Transactions
• Hedge Funds—SEC Registration, Providing Systemic Risk Data, and Expanded State Supervision
• Funeral Plans and Restructuring—Periodic Reporting for Rapid Shutdown and the Consequences of Non-Compliance
• Questions and Answers

To download a PDF copy of the presentation, please click here.

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To download the final, enrolled version of the Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, please click here.
 

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Earlier today, President Obama signed into law the Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act—marking the completion of the legislative road and the beginning of the regulatory road for the financial reform bill that is now the law of the land.

In his remarks at the bill signing, the president thanked congressional leaders, praised the effort, and described the package as a "...set of reforms to empower consumers and investors, to bring the shadowy deals that caused this crisis into the light of day, and to put a stop to taxpayer bailouts once and for all."

The 2,300 page bill now falls into the hands of the Treasury Secretary and other financial regulators to execute. In the coming days and weeks, Financial Reform Watch will be "watching" for many things including whom the president nominates to be the head of the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau; when the first meeting of the Financial Stability Oversight Council will be scheduled; and which proposed rules begin to flow from the financial regulators tasked with implementing the mandates of the Dodd Frank Act.

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This afternoon the Senate passed the Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act by a vote of 60 to 39.  As expected, all but three Republicans -- Senators Scott Brown (MA), Olympia Snowe (ME) and Susan Collins (ME) -- voted against the bill, and Sen. Russ Feingold (D-WI) was the only Democrat to vote against it. The president is expected to sign the legislation next week.

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As expected, the Senate voted 60-38 this morning to invoke cloture on the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (H.R. 4173) conference report, setting up a final vote that is slated to occur around 2 p.m.

Republican Senators Scott Brown (MA), Olympia Snowe (ME) and Susan Collins (ME) joined all but one Senate Democrat – Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold – in voting to invoke cloture. Senator Chuck Grassley (R-IA), the only other Republican to support H.R. 4173 in May, switched his vote to “no” due to concerns over the derivatives language, along with the spending offsets that were included during the later stages of negotiations.

Following the expected final passage of H.R. 4173 this afternoon, the bill will then be sent to President Obama, who will likely sign it into law sometime next week.
 

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Date:  Friday, July 16

Time:  12:00 noon - 1:30 p.m. EST

Cost:  Free

Registration: Click here to register by July 15

Please join the Financial Reform Watch Team for a free webinar covering the key provisions of the Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 :

• Political Overview—the Evolution of the Financial Reform Legislation
• Executive Compensation and Shareholder Rights—New Rules for "Say-on-Pay" and Independent Compensation Committees
• New Rules for Banks—Capital Requirements, Bank Fees and "the Volcker Rule"
• Hedge Funds—SEC Registration, Providing Systemic Risk Data, and Expanded State Supervision
• Derivatives—Central Clearing and Trading, Increased Market Transparency, and Regulating Foreign Exchange Transactions
• Funeral Plans and Restructuring—Periodic Reporting for Rapid Shutdown and the Consequences of Non-Compliance

For more information, please contact Alexandra Sevilla at [email protected]

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Date:  Friday, July 16

Time:  12:00 noon - 1:30 p.m. EST

Registration: Click here to register by July 15

The Dodd Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 brings the most ambitious reform to the financial industry in 70 years. This legislation will affect everyone, from financiers working on Wall Street to publicly traded companies in all industries and to consumers on Main Street.

Join the Financial Reform Watch team for a complimentary webinar that will address the overall provisions of the financial reform bill, including:

• Political Overview—the Evolution of the Financial Reform Legislation
• Executive Compensation and Shareholder Rights—New Rules for "Say-on-Pay" and Independent Compensation Committees
• New Rules for Banks—Capital Requirements, Bank Fees and "the Volcker Rule"
• Hedge Funds—SEC Registration, Providing Systemic Risk Data, and Expanded State Supervision
• Derivatives—Central Clearing and Trading, Increased Market Transparency, and Regulating Foreign Exchange Transactions
• Funeral Plans and Restructuring—Periodic Reporting for Rapid Shutdown and the Consequences of Non-compliance

For more information, please contact Alexandra Sevilla at [email protected]

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By a vote of 237-192, the U.S. House of Representatives tonight passed the conference report for the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.  The Senate must also approve the legislation before it can go to the president for his signature. The Senate is expected to take up the measure when it returns from the Independence Day recess the week of July 12th.

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The Fourth of July deadline for enacting financial regulatory reform legislation is likely to be postponed, yet again, to the middle or end of July. The House and Senate conference committee completed its work on the Dodd Frank bill in the wee hours of last Friday morning, but the death of Sen. Robert Byrd (D-WV) and the objections of four Senate Republicans are forcing the conference committee back into session this afternoon.

Senate Democratic leadership is now struggling to find the 60 votes necessary to overcome a filibuster. Sen. Byrd was a reliable “yes” vote for the conference report, and his replacement is not expected to be sworn in for at least several weeks. The four Republican Senators who had earlier supported the Senate bill are now likely to oppose the conference report -- Scott Brown (MA), Susan Collins (ME), Charles Grassley (IA), and Olympia Snowe (ME). Sen. Brown yesterday sent a letter to Conference Chairmen Dodd (D-CT) and Frank (R-MA) explaining that he was withdrawing his earlier support of the measure due to the addition of an FDIC assessment on large banks and hedge funds that was inserted at the last minute in order to raise the $18 billion necessary to make the legislation budget-neutral. Senators Snowe and Collins have also expressed reservations about the addition of this provision, and Sen. Grassley is facing additional constituent pressure being generated around a difficult primary challenge that may cause him to reconsider his earlier support.

Of the two Senate Democrats who voted against the bill last time – Senators Russ Feingold (D-WI) and Maria Cantwell (D-WA) – Sen. Feingold continues to oppose the legislation and Sen. Cantwell remains undecided. The leaders are holding today’s conference meeting in an effort to find alternative means to pay for the shortfall and make the bill budget neutral. House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank and Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd have now proposed to raise the FDIC reserve ratio to 1.35 and divert unused TARP funds to replace the current $18 billion assessment. Of course, the new solution may well alter the support of other Senators.

Paying tribute to Senator Byrd, resolving the assessment issue, lining up the votes, and getting through significant procedural requirements in time to get members of Congress home for their Independence Day events now appears unlikely if not impossible.

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With the clock ticking on a self-imposed deadline for the completion of House and Senate conference negotiations, House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) did his best impersonation of (soccer star) Landon Donovan early Friday morning, clearing a conference report that will bring Congress one step closer to passing the most sweeping financial regulatory reform legislation in nearly a century. 

Capping off two weeks of publicly-televised conference committee negotiations that included a nearly 24-hour marathon session on the final day, House conferees voted 20-11 and Senators voted 7-5 to approve the measure on party lines; and provided President Obama with a critical victory prior to this weekend’s G-20 Summit in Toronto.

Below are the key issues that were resolved in conference committee on Thursday:

Derivatives
A broad array of industries, both inside and outside the financial sector, anxiously awaited the conferees’ response to controversial Senate language authored by Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) that would require banks to spin-off or “wall off” their swaps operations. After many weeks of behind-the-scenes negotiations -- including a contentious session yesterday in which House Democrats threatened to pull their support for the overall bill if the Lincoln language was included -- conferees ultimately agreed to a watered-down version that allows banks to continue trading with certain derivatives that are deemed less risky. Under the proposal offered by House Agriculture Committee Chairman Collin C. Peterson (D-MN), derivatives tied to interest rate swaps, foreign exchange swaps, gold and silver, and investment-grade credit default swaps will be exempted from the prohibition, while derivative trading related to agriculture, commodities, energy, equities, metals, and below-investment-grade credit default swaps must be walled off from a bank’s federally insured deposits.

Volcker Rule
Aside from the derivatives title, the debate surrounding the “Volcker Rule” -- or the proposed ban on proprietary trading for banks and bank holding companies -- proved to be the most contentious item on the conferees’ agenda in the final week. In the end, negotiators agreed to strengthen the Volcker Rule provisions by incorporating language offered by Senators Carl Levin (D-MI) and Jeff Merkley (D-OR) that would strip the ability of regulators to halt the Volcker Rule‘s implementation. However, in deference to the wishes of Sen. Scott Brown (R-MA)—who was one of only four Republicans to vote for the financial reform bill in the Senate— the final language would allow banks to engage in proprietary trading activities with up to three percent of their tangible common equity.

Banking Capital Standards
Another major agreement involved language authored by Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) that would limit the ability of banks to use commonly held securities known as “trust-preferred” to meet capital requirements. Although House Democrats sought a 10-year phase-in for financial institutions with assets between $15 billion and $100 billion, negotiators agreed to a five-year phase-in period for $15-$100 billion institutions and a full exemption for those with less than $15 billion.

Corporate Governance
Conferees decided to retain a Senate provision that requires publicly-trade companies to grant certain shareholders -- those owning five percent of the outstanding shares for at least two years -- to nominate and elect members of the board of directors through a proxy vote.

Levy on Banks and Hedge Funds
In order to defray the legislation’s projected $22 billion cost -- as estimated by the Congressional Budget Office -- conferees approved last-minute language that would allow the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) to levy fees on financial institutions with assets of $50 billion or more and hedge funds with managed assets of over $10 billion.

The House and Senate are expected to vote on the final conference report next week -- which is not subject to further amendment -- before sending it on to the White House for President Obama's signature and enactment into law .
 

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After gaveling in day six of financial reform conference negotiations, House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) reaffirmed this afternoon his goal of completing conference negotiations by June 24, stating that conferees will “stay [on Thursday] until we’re finished.”

Despite a handful of controversial issues that await consideration this week—including the scope of the so-called “Volcker Rule,” heightened banking capital standards and more stringent regulations for financial derivatives—both Frank and Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) appear increasingly determined to wrap up conference negotiations before President Obama travels to Toronto for this weekend’s G-20 Summit. According to Frank, any potential delays would undercut the president’s leverage at the G-20 and cause further uncertainty for global financial markets. If Frank and Dodd meet their timeline it will likely set up House and Senate floor consideration of a conference report next week.

Consumer advocates secured a significant victory on Tuesday, as conferees came to a general agreement regarding the size and scope of a newly-created Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), which will be housed in the Federal Reserve and will be funded independently. An agreement also appears imminent regarding an exemption from CFPB regulation for auto dealers. Although House conferees are seeking a blanket exemption, Chairman Dodd has offered to allow the CFPB to issue rules that apply to auto dealers under the Truth in Lending Act, while the Federal Reserve would have discretion as to whether or not it enforces such rules.

Today, conferees are examining prudential banking regulation under Title 6 of the bill—which includes the Volcker Rule. Conferees are expected to consider an amendment offered by Senators Carl Levin (D-MI) and Jeff Merkley (D-OR) that would explicitly prohibit banks and bank holding companies from engaging in proprietary trading activities, as opposed to the current Senate language that provides latitude to regulators over the Volcker Rule’s implementation. In addition, Senator Scott Brown (R-MA)—who was one of only four Republicans to vote for the financial reform bill in the Senate—is lobbying conferees to include an exemption from the Volcker Rule for non-bank mutual funds and insurance companies.

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With several issues leftover from last week and several more controversial ones on the agenda this week—such as the Consumer Financial Protection Agency and derivatives—it may be a challenge for the congressional conferees to finish their work by the Fourth of July. In addition to sorting out the policy issues, Congress also has to get through certain procedural hoops before the financial regulatory reform proposals become law.

July 4th is the quoted deadline, but the real deadline for Congress to finish its business on this legislation is more likely to be Thursday, July 1, or Friday, July 2, because most members will be anxious to get back to their states and districts for Independence Day events. Between now and then, several things must happen. Assuming the conferees come to a conclusion and the majority agrees to a final package, the conference committee must produce two documents:

1. A conference report, which the majority of conferees must sign; and
2. A joint explanatory statement, which explains what the conference report does.

The House will then act first and take up the conference report. The House Rules Committee will have to meet to agree to a rule for the report’s floor consideration. House rules require that conference reports must layover 72 hours, however, the Rules Committee may vote to waive that rule. If not, that could add three extra days to the process.

Once the conference report goes to the House floor, the members can vote to adopt, reject, or recommit it (to the conference committee). Assuming the House adopts the conference report, it would then go to the Senate where it is subject to debate and possibly a filibuster. Even if Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) has the 60 votes needed to invoke cloture and end the filibuster, there is a two day process for cloture plus 30 hours of post-cloture debate.

What this means is that process issues alone could take up a week’s worth of congressional time. House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) and Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) are seasoned legislators who have likely factored these procedural constraints into their strategy. Financial Reform Watch predicts the Chairmen will push hard to finish the conference committee work by the end of this week or weekend, leaving next week to get through the procedural hurdles. If they are unsuccessful in bringing the conference’s work to a close by next Monday, the July 4th deadline may be in real jeopardy.

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Beginning at noon tomorrow, House and Senate conferees for the financial reform legislation will return to the negotiating table for round two – this time with their attention fixed on the contentious Title 10, which props up a new regulator for consumer financial protection.

In preparation for tomorrow’s proceedings, House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) unveiled this afternoon the House’s proposals for amending the Senate language in regards to not only consumer financial protection, but also mortgage reform and predatory lending, and risk retention.

In a critical concession, Frank’s proposal would retain the Senate version’s placement of the newly-created Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) inside the Federal Reserve, a move that is likely to provoke disapproval amongst Frank’s Democratic colleagues who favor the creation of a stand-alone agency. Even Frank, himself, panned the idea of housing a new consumer regulator inside the Fed when it was first proposed in the Senate in March. But once again, Frank’s concession largely reflects the political dynamics in the Senate, where the creation of a stand-alone agency would likely unravel a fragile coalition of 60 votes required for passage.

Striking another controversial note, Frank defied long-standing White House objections by reviving language included in the House-passed version and offered as amendment in the Senate by Sen. Sam Brownback (R-KS) – but which did not receive a vote -- that would exempt auto dealers from the CFPB’s regulatory oversight. It remains uncertain whether the White House will continue to lobby against the provision during negotiations this week.

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When House and Senate conferees return to the negotiating table next Tuesday, they will begin consideration of arguably the thorniest issue of financial reform: the newly created consumer financial protection regulator. In addition, conferees are expected to continue debating the details of FDIC resolution authority over failing financial services institutions, along with a controversial Senate derivatives title that forces banks to spin-off their swap desks.

This afternoon, House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) and Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) released the following schedule for Tuesday:
 

Tuesday, June 22
• Pending offers and Counter-offers from Week One
• Consumer Financial Protection-CFPA/CFPB-title 10 of base text
• Predatory lending-title 14 of base text
• Risk retention-subtitle D of title 9 of base text
• Interchange-section 1076 of base text
• Access issues-titles 10, 12, and 14 of base text
 

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As the 43 House and Senate conferees today begin debating reforms related to insurance, credit rating agencies, the thrift charter, and private funds within the financial regulatory reform bill, House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) and Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) announced further details of the conference committee agenda over the next couple of weeks.

Most notably, the two most contentious items of financial reform—the newly-created Consumer Financial Protection regulator and the enhanced oversight of derivatives—will be dealt with next week according to the schedule. The somewhat divisive resolution authority provisions (aimed at preventing “too-big-to-fail”) will be considered this Thursday. Below is the tentative schedule:

Week 1 (The week of June 14)

Wednesday, June 16

• Title 9, subtitles A, B, F, H, I and J of base text: Investor protection/regulatory improvements
• Title 9, subtitles E and G of base text: Executive compensation/corporate governance
• Title 11 of base text: Fed audit and governance, and emergency liquidity provisions

 Thursday, June 17

• Titles 1, 2 and 8: Systemic risk regulation, resolution authority, payments/clearing/settlement

Week 2 (The week of June 21)

• Consumer Protection Agency, CFPA/CFPB
• Predatory lending
• Interchange
• Remittances
• Access issues
• Prudential regulation
• Derivatives; miscellaneous

DOWNLOAD: HR 4173 - Conference Base Text (PDF)

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Jump-starting what is expected to be two weeks of conference negotiations over the competing House and Senate versions of financial regulatory reform legislation, this afternoon House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) formally unveiled the first tranche of House proposals that will be considered – beginning on Tuesday at 11 a.m. -- to the base Senate bill.

Although Frank’s proposals are largely technical in nature, some present significant departures from the Senate bill. In particular, Frank is aiming to strike language added by Sen. Al Franken (D-MN) that targets the so-called practice of “rating shopping” by creating an SEC-regulated clearinghouse that would assign a rating agency for newly-created securities. Frank – who joins Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) in opposing the Franken proposal -- is instead offering to insert a provision that calls for a one-year SEC study to evaluate the efficacy of such a clearinghouse; and would charge the SEC with issuing recommendations to Congress.

In addition, Frank has thrown his support behind a House-passed provision that would require SEC registration and examination for private equity fund managers, contrasting with Senate language that provides for a private equity exemption. However, although both House and Senate bills require hedge fund managers to register with the SEC, Frank is proposing to broaden the Senate bill’s exemption for hedge fund managers with less than $100 million in assets to include those with less than $150 million in assets.

Frank’s proposals would amend the following titles (with links to the proposed language), which are the first titles to be considered by the conference committee on Tuesday:

• Title III - Transfer of Powers to the Comptroller of the Currency, the Corporation, and the Board of Governors
• Title IV - Regulation of Advisers to Private Funds and Others
• Title V - National/Federal Insurance Office
• Title IX, Subtitle C - Improvements to the Regulation of Credit Rating Agencies

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The House Leaders just released their lists of conferees who will work on reconciling the House and Senate financial regulatory reform bills.  See below for the complete list.

Democratic Conferees Appointed by Speaker Pelosi (CA) --

Committee on Financial Services
Barney Frank (MA), Chair, full committee
Paul Kanjorski (PA), Chair, Subcommittee on Capital Markets, Insurance, and Government Sponsored Enterprises
Maxine Waters (CA), Chair, Subcommittee on Housing and Community Opportunity
Carolyn Maloney (NY), Member of Committee
Luis Gutierrez (IL), Chair, Subcommittee on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit
Mel Watt (NC), Chair, Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy and Technology
Gregory Meeks (NY), Chair, Subcommittee on International Monetary Policy and Trade
Dennis Moore (KS), Chair, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations
Mary Jo Kilroy (OH), Member of Committee
Gary Peters (MI), Member of Committee

Democratic Conferees on specific portions of the legislation on which their committees have jurisdiction:

Committee on Agriculture
Collin Peterson (MN), Chair, full committee
Leonard Boswell (IA), Chair, Subcommittee on General Farm Commodities and Risk Management

Committee on Energy and Commerce
Henry Waxman (CA), Chair, full committee
Bobby Rush (IL), Chair, Subcommittee on Commerce, Trade, and Consumer Protection

Committee on the Judiciary
John Conyers (MI), Chair, full committee
Howard Berman (CA), Member of Committee

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform
Edolphus Towns (NY), Chair, full committee
Elijah Cummings (MD), Member of Committee

Committee on Small Business
Nydia Velazquez (NY), Chair, full committee
Heath Shuler (NC), Chair, Subcommittee on Rural Development, Entrepreneurship and Trade
 

Republican Conferees Appointed by Minority Leader John Boehner (OH) --

Spencer Bachus (AL), ranking member on the House Financial Services Committee

Joe Barton (TX), ranking member of the House Energy and Commerce Committee

Sam Graves (MO), ranking member of the House Small Business Committee

Darrell Issa (CA), ranking member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee

Frank Lucas (OK), ranking member of the House Agriculture Committee

Lamar Smith (TX), ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee

Ed Royce (CA), member of the House Financial Services Committee

Judy Biggert (IL), member of the House Financial Services Committee

Shelley Moore Capito (WV), member of the House Financial Services Committee

Jeb Hensarling (TX), member of the House Financial Services Committee

Scott Garrett (NJ), member of the House Financial Services Committee
 

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The Senate has appointed twelve of its members to the House-Senate conference committee that will soon meet to resolve the differences between the financial regulatory reform bills that each body has now passed. (Click here for the recently-finalized text of the Senate-passed bill.) The Senate’s list is below along with the list of representatives that House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) sent to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) as recommended Democratic conferees. Frank explained the rationale behind his choices in a memo to his committee colleagues; essentially, he picked his subcommittee chairs, with the exception of Carolyn Maloney (whom he selected because she was a subcommittee chair until she took over as Chairman of the Joint Economic Committee at the Speaker’s request).

Frank has also floated the following timetable for the conference, but Financial Services Committee Ranking Republican Spencer Bachus (R-AL) sent Frank a letter yesterday expressing concerns that the timetable is too compressed for legislation of this magnitude. In addition, House Republican Leader John Boehner sent a letter to Speaker Pelosi last week asking for a bipartisan and open conference process, but Republicans have yet to name their conferees. FR Watch will update the timetable and conferee list as more information becomes available. --

Frank’s Proposed Conference Timetable

Tuesday, June 8th- House conferees appointed

Wednesday, June 9th- First open meeting of the conference; organizational issues and opening statements only

Tuesday, June 15th through Thursday, June 17th and Tuesday, June 22nd through Wednesday, June 23rd - Conference meets to consider substantive issues

Thursday, June 24th- Conference concludes and conference report will be filed shortly thereafter

Monday, June 28th - House Rules Committee meets to grant rule for floor consideration

Tuesday, June 29th - House passes the conference report; Senate will have three days to pass the conference report before the July 4th recess.

Senate Banking Committee Members appointed as conferees – Dodd (D-CT), Johnson (D-SD), Reed (D-RI), Schumer (D-NY), Shelby (R-AL), Corker (R-TN), Crapo (R-ID), Gregg (R-NH)

Senate Agriculture Committee Members appointed as conferees – Lincoln (D-AR), Leahy (D-VT), Harkin (D-IA), Chambliss (R-GA)

Chairman Frank’s recommended list of House Conferees --

1. Barney Frank (D-MA) – House Financial Services Committee Chairman

2. Carolyn Maloney (D-NY) -- Joint Economic Committee Chairman

3. Paul Kanjorski (D-PA) -- Subcommittee Chairman on Capital Markets, Insurance, and Government Sponsored Enterprises

4. Luis Gutierrez (D-IL) -- Subcommittee Chairman on Financial Institutions and Consumer Credit

5. Maxine Waters (D-CA) -- Subcommittee Chairman on Housing and Community Opportunity

6. Melvin Watt (D-NC) -- Subcommittee Chairman on Domestic Monetary Policy and Technology

7. Greg Meeks (D-NY) -- Subcommittee Chairman on International Monetary Policy and Trade

8. Dennis Moore (D-KS) -- Subcommittee Chairman on Oversight and Investigations
 

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Aiming to deliver a financial regulatory reform bill to President Obama’s desk before the July 4th recess, this morning Senate Democratic leadership unveiled its list of members charged with reconciling the competing House and Senate versions of the Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2009.

The Senate's lineup of conferees includes seven Democrats and five Republicans, eight of which are members of the Banking Committee and four from the Agriculture Committee:

Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee

• Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT)
• Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL)
• Senator Tim Johnson (D-SD)
• Senator Jack Reed (D-RI)
• Senator Chuck Schumer (D-NY)
• Senator Bob Corker (R-TN)
• Senator Mike Crapo (R-ID)
• Senator Judd Gregg (R-NH)

Agriculture Committee

• Chairwoman Blanche Lincoln (D-AR)
• Ranking Member Saxby Chambliss (R-GA)
• Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT)
• Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA)

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 By a vote of 59 to 39, the Senate tonight passed the financial regulatory reform package it has been debating for the past few weeks.  Four Republicans -- Senators Chuck Grassley (IA), Olympia Snowe (ME), Susan Collins (ME), and Scott Brown (MA) -- broke ranks and voted with all but two Democrats to pass the bill.  The two Democrats who voted against the bill were Senators Russ Feingold (WI) and Maria Cantwell (WA).  The next step in the process will be reconciling the House and Senate-passed bills in a conference committee. The White House and Congressional leadership have said they expect to have the legislation ready for the president's signature by the Fourth of July. 

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Without any votes to spare, the Senate this afternoon approved, by a tally of 60-40, a motion to limit debate on the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217), effectively bringing the Senate’s debate over financial reform to its final stages. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) says he is now aiming to complete the bill tonight following the consideration of a handful of remaining amendments.

After falling just short of garnering the necessary 60 votes to invoke cloture during yesterday’s session, Senate Democrats were able to pick-up the support of  Sen. Scott Brown (R-MA)—who joined GOP colleagues Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine as the only Republicans to support cloture—along with Sen. Arlen Specter (D-PA), who was absent during Wednesday’s session. For the second day in a row, Sens. Maria Cantwell (D-WA) and Russ Feingold (D-WI) voted in opposition. Brown appears to have switched his vote after receiving assurances from Democratic leadership that the bill’s proprietary trading ban would be modified in order to shield the insurance industry.

As a result of the successful cloture motion, only amendments deemed “germane” to the legislation will be eligible for consideration, ultimately nixing the possibility for consideration of most of the pending amendments. Amendments likely for consideration are a proposal offered by Sen. Sam Brownback (R-KS) to exempt automobile dealers from the regulatory purview of a newly-created Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) and an amendment from Sens. Jeff Merkley (D-OR) and Carl Levin (D-MI) that would explicitly prohibit banks and bank holding companies from engaging in proprietary trading activities.

With the votes secured, we expect Democratic leadership to wrap things up either tonight or tomorrow morning.
 

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Falling short of the necessary 60 votes to cut off debate on the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217), a motion to invoke cloture failed in the Senate this afternoon by a vote of 57-42.

Although Maine’s Republican Senators Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins decided to break rank with their GOP colleagues by supporting cloture, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) was unable to keep his caucus in line, ultimately losing the votes of both Maria Cantwell (D-WA) and Russ Feingold (D-WI). In a parliamentary maneuver, Reid switched his vote in order to reconsider the cloture motion at a time that has yet to be determined.

Both Reid and Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) must now return to the negotiating table in order to establish a timeline for the consideration of additional amendments. Until then, the magic number of 60 remains elusive.

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Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) has teed up a critical vote today at 2 p.m. on the motion to invoke cloture, or limit debate, on the financial regulatory reform legislation, representing the first major step in wrapping up nearly a month of Senate debate.

If cloture is invoked—and Reid says he has commitments from Republican senators in order to garner the necessary 60 votes, despite the cries of a handful of Democrats who are seeking additional floor time for the consideration of their amendments—the Senate will likely vote on final passage of the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217) on Friday.

Although the filing deadline for amendments has passed, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) continue to negotiate a resolution to the remaining amendments that have been offered by senators on both sides of the aisle. Reportedly, Dodd has now approved roughly 40 amendments that will be incorporated into a single manager’s amendment that will be offered this week.

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After wrapping up another eventful voting week that involved the consideration of nearly 15 amendments to the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217), the Senate – and perhaps the Congress – now appears headed towards the finish line on financial regulatory reform.

Despite the numerous votes, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd’s (D-CT) overhaul legislation escaped relatively unscathed from problematic amendments that could have disrupted future conference negotiations with the House, as a flurry of proposals – including those related to credit rating agencies, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, community banks, oversight of the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy, underwriting standards, the newly-created consumer financial protection bureau (CFPB) and interchange fees – all were brought up for consideration (see below for additional details on amendments). When the chamber returns to action next week, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) is expected to set up a vote that will occur on Wednesday to invoke cloture – or limit further debate to 30 hours – which if approved, would likely lead to the bill’s final passage later in the week. Some sources around Capitol Hill are even predicting that after the Senate completes its work, House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) and fellow Democrats will push for House passage of the Senate bill, precluding the need for a formal conference and ultimately shortening the timeline for the President’s signature.

But predictions aside, Dodd must still contend with the burgeoning frustration of his Democratic colleagues in the Senate, who expressed dismay this week that only 31 amendments out of the over 300 introduced have been formally debated on the floor thus far. In addition, particular contention still lingers with respect to the legislation’s provisions regulating derivatives transactions, specifically the scope of the bill’s "commercial end-user" exemption and its prohibition on commercial banks and bank holding companies from directly engaging in derivatives transactions. The Senate rejected, 39-59, a Republican derivatives proposal offered by Senators Saxby Chambliss (GA), Richard Shelby (AL), Judd Gregg (NH) that sought to limit the types of swaps transactions that would face clearing requirements by exempting “bona-fide hedging swap transactions.”
 

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Following a nearly three-day logjam, the Senate is now voting , and voting often, as leaders on both sides continue to queue up a broad array of amendments dealing with nearly every component of the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S. 3217).

Yesterday, the Senate jumpstarted the amendment process by passing overwhelmingly two proposals aimed at ending “Too Big To Fail” through modifications to the bill’s resolution authority language. The first amendment, offered by Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA), attaches language specifying that “no taxpayer funds shall be used to prevent the liquidation of any financial company”; and the second amendment, offered by Senators Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and Richard Shelby (R-AL), removes the controversial $50 billion fund that would have been used to finance the resolution of failing financial institutions and would limit the payments received by creditors during liquidation. The Boxer amendment passed by a vote of 96-1 and the Dodd-Shelby amendment was approved 93-5.

Although both parties were able to resolve the “Too Big Too Fail” dilemma relatively peacefully through closed door negotiations, the gulf between Democrats and Republicans over a contentious proposal to create a new consumer financial protection bureau (CFPB) may prove to be more difficult. At some point today, the Senate is expected to consider an alternative GOP proposal offered by Shelby and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell that would, as opposed to the current Dodd proposal that places the CFPB within the Federal Reserve, put the new bureau inside the FDIC and grant its board with significant oversight authority over the bureau's rulemaking decisions. The Shelby-McConnell proposal would also limit the bureau’s authority to that of rulemaking, as banking regulators would retain their enforcement and supervisory authority. But nonetheless, the GOP alternative’s prospects of passage are dismal by most accounts.

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The stalemate is over, and the Senate will begin voting on on amendments to the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S. 3217) this afternoon. As of noon today, there were nearly 100 amendments filed and that number is expected to increase. It is unclear yet which amendments will require 60 votes to pass -- since the possibility of a filibuster constantly looms in the Senate -- but Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) cleared six amendments for consideration this afternoon.

The breakthrough occurred earlier today, when Sen. Dodd announced that he and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) reached a formal agreement on modifications aimed at ending "Too Big To Fail" – an issue on which Republicans have focused their opposition. GOP Senators have repeatedly argued that the proposed $50 billion "Orderly Liquidation Fund" to help finance the resolution of failing financial institutions would only serve to perpetuate taxpayer-funded bailouts.

According to Dodd, the latest agreement would remove the $50 billion fund and would instead require both creditors and the financial industry to reimburse the government, but only after an FDIC-led resolution occurs. In addition, the agreement includes 1. A "clawback" provision that requires creditors to pay back amounts received under an orderly resolution that exceed the amount the creditors would have received through liquidation or bankruptcy; 2. An authorization for federal regulators to break up institutions that pose a "grave threat to the financial stability of the United States"; and 3. Further limitations on the Federal Reserve’s ability to invoke its emergency 13(3) authority, which allows any individual, partnership or corporation in "unusual and exigent circumstances" to access the Fed's discount window.

Along with the Dodd-Shelby amendment and a Republican proposal that is expected to deal with consumer protection, the Senate will also consider the following amendments this afternoon:

• Senator Barbara Boxer (D-CA) - An amendment specifying that “no taxpayer funds shall be used to prevent the liquidation of any financial company."
• Senator Olympia Snowe (R-ME) - An amendment that strikes language that forces banks to disclose certain customer data; and a second amendment that seeks to maintain credit opportunities for small business owners by preserving their ability to use their homes as collateral.
• Senators Jon Tester (D-MT) and Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-TX) - An amendment requiring the FDIC to implement risk-based assessments in order to charge riskier banks with higher premiums over less-leveraged banks.

With "Too Big to Fail" apparently resolved, the only other speed bumps ahead are derivatives and the consumer financial protection regulator -- both complex and controversial. Financial reform is expected to continue dominating Senate floor time for the remainder of this week, all of next week, and into most of the following week.

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In the eyes of Senate Democratic Leadership, the writing is on the wall. A recent poll shows that nearly two-thirds of Americans support reforms to the financial industry and a majority of those voters trust President Obama over Republicans in getting the job done. And now, following a series of tactical maneuvers this week that forced Senate Republicans into voting not once, twice, but three times against moving forward with the debate on financial regulatory reform, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s (D-NV) next play appears simple: ride the populist wave against Wall Street all the way to November.

Beginning next week, the Senate will begin formally debating and considering amendments to the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217)—a process likely to consume at least two weeks of floor time. Reid’s announced timeline of Memorial Day for completion of S.3217, coupled with President Obama’s new goal of September for the signing of a final bill, provide a clear indication that Democrats are looking to financial reform as a signature issue in the 2010 elections.

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Fresh off a newly-brokered compromise between Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL), Senate leaders announced this evening that both sides have unanimously agreed to begin debating the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217) – officially putting an end to nearly three days of legislative stalemate.

Although details of the Dodd-Shelby compromise language – which reportedly only changes provisions related to eliminating taxpayer bailouts of large and interconnected financial institutions -- have yet to be unveiled, a senior GOP aide said it amounted to “huge concessions” by the Democrats, and ultimately led to the Republicans' final decision to move debate on the broader legislation forward. The Senate made progress tonight in spite of the fact that two other major areas of contention -- derivative regulation and the powers of a newly-created Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) -- remain unresolved.

Beginning on Thursday, the amendment process will kickoff with the consideration of a Dodd-Lincoln substitute amendment.  Particular attention will be paid to the derivative language, especially whether or not a broader exemption should be provided for "end-users " and also whether or not banks will be forced to spin-off or “wall off” their swaps operations -- a proposal that is currently opposed by Republicans, the Federal Reserve, a few Democrats (including New York Senator Kirsten Gillibrand and Virginia's Mark Warner), and even some in the Obama Treasury Department.

Both Republicans and Democrats are expected to introduce a laundry list of amendments in what Senate Democratic leadership pledges will be an open process.
 

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The Senate Democratic leadership asked for the same vote – and they got the same result. Once again, Sen. Ben Nelson (D-NE) joined a unified GOP this afternoon in opposing a motion to begin debating the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217).

 Despite the repeat vote of 57-41, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s (D-NV) strategy of continually putting the GOP on record -- ostensibly as opponents of financial reform legislation -- conveniently coincides with the investigation of a major Wall Street player. This morning, executives at Goldman Sachs received an earful from lawmakers on the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations who are currently probing Goldman’s trading practices related to toxic mortgage securities.

 Directly following the vote, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) met at 5 p.m. to continue their negotiations on the divisive areas of the overhaul legislation that continue to stall progress, including new language regulating the derivatives market that has been agreed to by Chairman Dodd and Senate Agriculture Committee Chairwoman Blanche Lincoln (D-AR), along with a $50 billion “Orderly Liquidation Fund” that Democrats say is intended to eliminate the concept of “too big to fail.”

If today feels like Déjà Vu, maybe tomorrow will feel like Groundhog Day, as Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) has already filed a cloture motion that could set up a third vote on Wednesday. Unless a deal is struck by Dodd and Shelby in the next 24 hours, we expect more of the same.
 

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Less than 24 hours after the Senate failed to secure the necessary 60 votes to begin debating financial regulatory reform legislation—and after the electorate woke up to newspaper headlines reading “Financial Overhaul Blocked by GOP” and “Filibuster Stalls Financial Reform Bill”—Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) has announced plans to do it all over again.

At 4:30 p.m. today, the Senate will once again vote on a motion to begin debate on the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 (S.3217). Although there are currently no indications that the results will be any different—as Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) have yet to agree on a bill that both sides find acceptable—the Senate Democratic leadership is continuing a strategy that aims to portray Republicans as road blocks to Wall Street reform. Appearing determined to turn up the political heat, Reid has also taken steps to set up another vote on Wednesday if necessary.

Stay tuned for the results.

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Tonight the Senate Democratic leadership was unable to get the 60 votes necessary to advance comprehensive financial regulatory reform legislation (S. 3217). The motion to proceed to the bill failed by a vote of 57-41. Sen. Ben Nelson (D-NE) was the lone Democrat to vote with the united Republicans. Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Minority Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) continue to work behind the scenes toward a compromise package that could attract more than 60 votes. At the same time, Senate Republicans are rumored to be drafting a Republican alternative to the Banking Committee-passed bill. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) can move to reconsider tonight's vote -- i.e. a do-over -- at any time, but he is not likely to do that until he has secured at least 60 votes.
 

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As predicted by Financial Reform Watch last night, Senate Majority Harry Reid filed cloture today on the motion to proceed to Sen. Dodd’s financial regulatory reform bill (S. 3217). The Senate will vote at 5 p.m. on Monday night whether or not to begin debate on the legislation. If at least sixty Senators—all 59 Democrats plus one Republican—vote yes, then the Senate will begin full consideration of financial reform starting on Tuesday. The debate on the Senate floor could take up to two weeks.

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Today the Senate Agriculture Committee, led by Chairman Blanche Lincoln (D-AR), completed its work on the over-the-counter derivatives section of financial regulatory reform. By a vote of 13 to 8, the committee adopted the Wall Street Transparency and Accountability Act. Sen. Charles Grassley (R-IA) was the only Republican to join the committee Democrats in voting for the bill.

The Senate is set to vote to end the filibuster on the Senate Banking Committee bill next Monday evening, which would allow Banking Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) to bring the legislation to the floor next Tuesday, April 27. The Monday night vote is dependent on getting at least one Republican to break ranks and vote for cloture, which would end the delay. No one knows which Republican will cave, but some likely candidates are the moderate Senators from the Northeast: Olympia Snowe (R-ME), Susan Collins (R-ME), or Scott Brown (R-MA).

We expect Sen. Dodd to incorporate Lincoln’s Wall Street Transparency and Accountability Act into the financial reform package he brings to the floor. Following are a few shorthand highlights of the Lincoln bill, but click here for the Senate Agriculture Committee’s more extensive summary and the most up to date bill language.

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Following financial regulatory reform's path in the Senate may require a scorecard. This coming Monday, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) plans to file his committee's report on the legislation it adopted before the spring recess. Sen. Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) announced that the Senate will begin floor debate on the bill starting next week. Meanwhile, Senate Agriculture Committee Chairman Blanche Lincoln (D-AR) today unveiled her much anticipated derivatives bill, which her committee will markup next week. Reportedly, the current Lincoln bill does not reflect the negotiations she has been having with her Republican counterparts, and the legislation is likely to change significantly during next week's markup. Of course, the Agriculture Committee markup could end up like the Banking Committee markup with no amendments and a party line vote. It is too early to predict, but President Obama's threat today -- that he would "veto legislation that does not bring the derivatives market under control" -- signals that the White House is not looking to compromise.

Earlier today, it looked like Democrats would have been able to entice at least one Republican to help them break a possible filibuster next week. By this afternoon though, all 41 Republican Senators sent a unified letter to Reid opposing the Banking Committee bill and asking for support for the bipartisan negotiations several Senators have continued conducting.

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For over a year, financial regulatory reform has taken a backseat to health care. With the passage of the health care bill, financial reform will finally be at the top of the agenda when Congress returns from its two-week spring recess on April 12th. While several Senators, including Republicans Judd Gregg (R-NH) and Bob Corker (R-TN), have said financial reform has an 80 to 100 percent chance of passing, there are still many loose ends to tie before the bill goes to the floor.

On March 22nd, the Senate Banking Committee approved the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010 along a party line vote of 13 to 10, taking up no amendments other than Chairman Dodd’s manager’s package. If Dodd wants to bring a bipartisan bill to the floor, which he has said he does, that work will mostly take place behind the scenes between now and mid-May, when Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) said the bill could receive floor time.

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This afternoon at 5 p.m. the Senate Banking Committee will meet and likely adopt along party lines Chairman Chris Dodd's "Manager's Amendment" to his financial regulatory reform draft unveiled earlier this month. Instead of dedicating a week or more to consideration of the 473 amendments filed by committee members -- 98 of which were filed by Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN) -- Dodd decided to incorporate a fraction of the amendments into one roughly 100-page package and then move the bill swiftly and successfully out of committee.

Corker said this morning that he was disappointed about the process, since he had hoped to work through many of the issues in a bipartisan fashion within the Banking Committee.  Assuming things go as predicted tonight, many compromises to the bill will be worked out behind the scenes prior to floor consideration, while still other issues will play out on the Senate floor.

Corker still believes the bill has a 90 percent chance of passing ultimately and thinks that there may be a "better opportunity with a different cast of characters -- the full Senate -- to do something policywise."
 

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Taking a pivotal step towards the enactment of comprehensive financial regulatory reform, this afternoon Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) released the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010, which includes broad revisions to legislation that Dodd introduced in November and represents the base bill for a full committee markup that is slated to begin next week.

The introduction of the Dodd bill comes amidst increasingly protracted negotiations between the chairman and his fellow banking committee members Richard Shelby (R-AL) and Bob Corker (R-TN), which were halted before both sides could hash out bipartisan compromises on several significant policy issues—including the authority of a proposed Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and a newly-created process for winding down large and interconnected financial institutions. But according to Dodd, the Senate’s dwindling timeline for action was the most immediate factor driving his decision; while others are viewing Dodd’s move as an effort to ramp up the political pressure on Senate Republicans by bringing the debate out in the open.

Below are the bill’s highlights:

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 Congress was in recess last week for the President’s Day holiday, but Senate Banking Committee staff remained focused on financial reform. Despite the fact that committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) was spending his break on a congressional trip to Central America – by happenstance with his new negotiating partner Sen. Bob Corker (R-TN) – the committee staff announced that the Chairman would release his “new wide-ranging bill" this week. As of today, that deadline has already slipped to the first week of March, meaning that the committee will not markup the legislation until the second or third week of March at the earliest.

We are hearing reports that the new draft will establish a council of regulators, led by the Treasury Secretary, responsible for monitoring systemic risk across the entire financial system. There have also been reports the draft will include provisions for a new bankruptcy-like system to wind down institutions previously considered “too big to fail.” The FDIC is expected to have a key role in that process.

Separately last week, Sen. Richard Shelby (R-AL), the committee’s Ranking Republican, announced that he was working on a Republican alternative to the Chairman’s financial reform draft. Shelby has made no public statements about Corker’s decision to work with Dodd, but the fact that Shelby is producing his own bill speaks volumes.

There is a lot of prognosticating right now. Corker’s positions are far more in line with Shelby’s than Dodd’s. The question is will Corker be able to convince Dodd to pass a streamlined bill that deals with a few key issues and tables the thorny issue of the Consumer Financial Protection Agency? Many industry experts are saying that Dodd and Shelby would have already worked out that deal if it was possible, and the Republican caucus is likely of the same mind, which puts Corker in a tough position. The outlook for financial reform continues to be very uncertain.

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Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) continue to work towards bipartisan agreement on at least some key elements of a financial reform measure. While the process has been a rocky one, both Senators appear to be working hard to find common ground. They appear to have found agreement on at least two things:

1. There will NOT be a stand-alone Consumer Financial Protection Agency.  Rather, consumer protections functions will be folded into another agency or agencies.

2. The president's proposal to limit the size of financial institutions (the "Volcker rule") has complicated the process and may have come too late in the game.

Our contacts on the Hill are telling us to expect committee action on a financial reform package by the end of the month. Regardless of the final outcome of the Dodd-Shelby discussions, the Chairman appears committed to moving ahead.

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That is the recent refrain of Senate Banking Committee Republicans when asked about the financial services regulatory reform bill now pending in the Senate.

While Republicans have expressed continued willingness to work with committee Democrats to develop bipartisan legislation that would address the root causes of the recent financial crisis, they appear in no hurry to pass a bill—and certainly not what they consider a “bad bill”—just for the sake of having a bill.

As a whole, Senate Banking Committee Republicans think the Dodd bill and the House-passed reform bill go too far. Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) seems well aware of that fact and, as reported previously, has constituted numerous working groups to hammer out the various issues. Those groups are currently working together to resolve outstanding issues, with varying degrees of progress.

While the committee has been expected to mark-up its version of the financial reform bill in February, that schedule will depend upon the level of progress and bipartisanship the committee is able to achieve. One major stumbling block has been the establishment of a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA)—a signature issue of the Obama Administration. Chairman Dodd has reportedly expressed a willingness to move away from the CFPA in a favor of giving more consumer protection authority to existing prudential regulators—a position also favored by committee Republicans.

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Sen. Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd's (D-CT) announcement that he will not seek re-election has roiled the already choppy waters surrounding the financial reform legislation. The Financial Reform Watch team has been intrigued by the comments attibuted to congressional and industry sources indicating that his retirement may increase the opportunity for a bipartisan bill. We are not so sure.

While we would all like to think that respect for a departing colleague and the desire of Senators to help him cement his legacy would result in more cooperation, there is little evidence to suggest today's Senate operates on that principle. We need only look back as far as the consideration of health care reform to support our view. Early in 2009, many thought the illness of Sen. Ted Kennedy would spur Senators to help him achieve his goal of more than 30 years to achieve health care reform. After his death, there was even more talk of how Senators might be moved to seek accommodation in his memory. Clearly, those sentiments—if they ever existed—were overwhelmed by the deep partisan divide in the Senate.

Today, those who indicate that bipartisanship might emerge in the wake of Dodd's announcement seem to believe he will be more accommodating of GOP concerns over certain issues—particularly the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. Our contacts on the Hill suggest that creation of that agency is as close to non-negotiable for the Administration and Sen. Dodd, not to mention House leaders, as any issue in the package. If the price of GOP support for the bill is dropping that, we are doubtful we will see much bipartisanship.

So our assessment is that is is too early to say whether Dodd's retirement improves or diminishes chances for a bill to be enacted. Your FRW team will be monitoring the situation closely and will keep you apprised of developments.

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This afternoon the House of Representatives took a significant step towards the enactment of comprehensive financial reform legislation, passing the Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2009 (H.R. 4173) by a vote of 223 to 202. Democrats would have preferred a larger margin of victory, but they can take some satisfaction from having now passed three of the Obama Administration's major priorities—climate change, health care, and financial reform.

Throughout the week, the Democratic leadership was forced to fend off several attempts by moderate Democrats to narrow the bill’s provisions, especially those relating to the Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA). On Wednesday, word quickly spread around the Capitol that a federal preemption amendment backed by Rep. Melissa Bean and her allies in the New Democrat Coalition faced strong opposition from the White House and Treasury, who were seeking to bar it from consideration on the House floor. The Bean amendment would have broadened the CFPA’s ability to preempt state consumer protection laws. However, following direct negotiations between the New Dems and top Treasury officials, a modified version of Bean’s preemption amendment was ultimately wrapped into a manager’s amendment that passed on Thursday.

Another significant amendment, opposed by House leadership and the White House, was offered by Rep. Walt Minnick (D-ID). Minnick's amendment would have replaced the Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA) with a Consumer Financial Protection Council (CFPC), comprised of 12 members, including, among others, the Secretary of Treasury, the Chairman of the Federal Reserve and the chairman of the CFTC and SEC. Although rejected by a vote of 208-223, Minnick was able to pick off 33 Democrats, potentially providing momentum for a CFPA alternative in the Senate where the Banking committee is still working on a bipartisan compromise.

The defeat of the "cramdown" amendment offered by Rep. John Conyers (D-MI) was a victory for the banking industry. Conyers' amendment would have enabled bankruptcy courts to modify mortgage repayment periods, reduce interest rates and fees, and lower the mortgage principal balance to the level of a home’s fair market value. Although the House passed similar language as part of the Helping Families Save Their Homes Act of 2009 (H.R. 1106) in March, the amendment was rejected today by a vote of 188-241.

Now that Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) got his comprehensive reform package passed before the holidays, the pressure is on Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) to produce results on his side of the Capitol.

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Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner notified Congress today that the $700 billion Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) would be extended until October 3, 2010 – a move that, although expected, adds fuel to an ongoing debate on Capitol Hill whether to wind down the politically unpopular program or utilize its excess funds for broader economic recovery efforts.

In a letter sent to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Geithner sought to quell political concerns by outlining a TARP “exit strategy” and narrowing the program’s focus to three specific areas in 2010: home foreclosure mitigation; small-business lending; and the Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility (TALF) in order to facilitate lending through securitization markets.  According to Geithner, no TARP funds will be spent beyond these specific areas “unless necessary to respond to an immediate and substantial threat to the economy.”  In addition, the Capital Purchase Program – aimed at boosting bank lending through nearly $250 billion in direct capital injections – will cease.

Key to the administration’s TARP extension is the assumption that only $550 billion of the $700 billion program will be necessary for deployment, a figure buoyed by Treasury estimates that TARP-recipient banks could repay as much as $175 billion by the end of 2010.  Sanguine figures such as these have opened the floodgates to recent congressional proposals that would use TARP proceeds to create or expand economic recovery initiatives -- including a job-creation proposal outlined yesterday by President Obama – and, at the same time, remain budget-neutral.

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…But first, the House Rules Committee will meet this afternoon and Wednesday to consider nearly 250 amendments that have been filed to the Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2009 (H.R. 4173), initiating a process that will set the parameters for a series of votes to occur during three days of floor consideration that could begin later this week.

Reflecting increasing pressure from Capitol Hill for the Obama administration to ramp up existing mortgage foreclosure prevention efforts, Rep. John Conyers (D-MI) and Zoe Lofgren (D-CA) have offered an amendment to H.R. 4173 that reincarnates a highly controversial provision—known as “cramdown”—which would allow bankruptcy judges to modify the terms of troubled mortgages.

Identical to the language passed by the House in March under the Helping Families Save Their Homes Act of 2009 (H.R. 1106), the Conyers-Lofgren amendment would authorize bankruptcy courts to modify mortgage repayment periods, interest rates and fees, and even the principal balance if a borrower provides evidence that efforts to complete a loan modification through the Obama administration’s “Making Homes Affordable” program have failed. Despite passage in the House, the cramdown legislation has twice been voted down in the Senate during separate votes in 2008 and 2009.

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The House Financial Services Committee yesterday completed work on the last pieces of its financial reform package, approving the systemic risk bill (H.R. 3996) and the Federal Insurance Office Act (H.R. 2609). Next Tuesday, December 8th, the House Rules Committee will reassemble into one large package all of the bills the Financial Services Committee considered separately. That package will include the two bills approved yesterday as well as legislation covering the Consumer Financial Protection Agency (H.R. 3795), over the counter derivatives (H.R. 3126), executive compensation and corporate governance (H.R. 3269), and mortgage reform and lending standards (H.R. 1728).

Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) is angling to have the omnibus reform package on the House floor on December 9th with at least three days of debate before the final vote. FR Watch is hearing from others on the committee that the date may slip to the following week. Frank said he anticipates the Rules Committee will approve ten additional, substantive amendments for consideration by the full House.

As the House is putting its package back together, the Senate Banking Committee is peeling apart the (Chairman Chris) Dodd draft so that bipartisan pairs of Senators can delve more deeply into assigned issue areas. Chairman Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Shelby (R-AL) are focusing on the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. Senators Reed (D-RI) and Gregg (R-NH) are examining derivatives and credit rating provisions. Senators Schumer (D-NY) and Crapo (R-ID) are taking on corporate governance, investor liability, and executive compensation. Senators Warner (D-VA) and Corker (R-TN) are covering issues related to systemic risk.

The Senate Banking Committee has not yet scheduled any (financial reform-related) hearings beyond today’s nomination hearing for Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke, but it is safe to assume that the committee will be fixated on financial reform for the rest of December and probably well into the new year.
 

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• Full Text of Bill (PDF)
• Summary of Bill (PDF)

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On home improvement shows, it’s called the big “reveal.”  In Washington, the “reveal” is expected on Monday in the Senate Banking Committee with the much anticipated release of Chairman Chris Dodd’s (D-CT) omnibus financial reform bill. Rumors of its content have been leaking out for several days. Also being revealed --although it has been hinted at for weeks-- is the partisan divide that has opened up on Chairman Dodd's committee.

One of the most controversial elements expected to be in Dodd’s plan is the removal of bank supervisor authorities from the Federal Reserve, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Office of Comptroller of the Currency, and the Office of Thrift Supervision in order to consolidate those authorities into one new super bank regulator. Neither the administration proposal nor House Financial Services Committee measures contemplated this approach. In fact, Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) has criticized the concept because it does not “respect and preserve the dual banking system;” it undercuts the role of state bank supervisors; and it fails to preserve the role of the FDIC, an agency that Frank thinks is performing well.

Other expected provisions are a “Council of Regulators” approach to systemic risk; a Consumer Financial Protection Agency that will have oversight over most financial service products except for insurance or securities; credit rating agency reform; resolution authority for large financial institutions; and regulation of derivatives. Dodd plans to hold one or more hearings on his bill the week of November 16th and expects the committee to markup the bill after Thanksgiving.

Dodd has decided to move ahead without the support and assistance of Ranking Member Shelby (R-AL) and the other committee Republicans. Some are viewing this as a setback given that Dodd and Shelby had made a show in the past year of their shared views on some key parts of the financial reform agenda. Over the past six-to-eight weeks, as Dodd has pushed to pull the package together, it became clear the GOP side of the committee was reticent to come along. While this prevents the bipartisan approach Dodd had wanted, it does free him to take the bold approach it now appears we will see. Given the importance to his re-election of appearing to shake-up the financial establishment, Dodd may benefit from the freedom to stake out this turf. Whether that will contribute to the ultimate enactment of legislation remains to be seen.

Watch this space early in the week for a discussion of the outlook on the House side for continuation of the progress in assembling a comprehensive financial reform package.
 

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Gaining strong momentum after its passage out of the House Financial Services Committee last week, a bill crafted by Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) to create a new Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA) ran into a significant and unforeseen roadblock on Thursday – fellow Democrat and equally powerful House Energy and Commerce Chairman Henry Waxman (CA). In what could have been a routine markup of H.R. 3126, the Consumer Financial Protection Agency Act of 2009, the House Energy and Commerce Committee -- whose jurisdiction includes consumer protection and Federal Trade Commission oversight -- made dramatic changes to Frank's bill. One of the most obvious can be gathered from the amended bill's title: the Consumer Financial Protection Commission Act of 2009.

Waxman and the committee's Ranking Member Joe Barton (R-TX) collaborated on the manager’s amendment that would dramatically shift the agency’s governance from a single director to a commission led by a five-person bipartisan panel. Modeled after independent agencies like the Federal Communications Commission and the Federal Trade Commission, the chairman and commissioners would be nominated by the president, confirmed by the Senate, and serve staggered five year terms

Frank expressed sharp disapproval of the Waxman approach, referring to the commission model as “a big mistake” that will “weaken the capacity of the agency to provide consumer protection.” Frank defended the House Financial Services version as a balanced approach that allows a CFPA director to take prompt action, while at the same time, receiving the necessary recommendations and oversight from a board comprised of bank regulators and consumer groups. The differences may need to be resolved on the House floor. Waxman indicated he would have further changes during the floor debate, specifically removing some of the industry exemptions that were carved out by the House Financial Services legislation, including those for merchants, retailers and auto dealers.

The House Rules Committee will be the next stop for the bills where Chairman Louise Slaughter (D-NY) will execute the will of the House Democratic leadership and likely resolve the differences. It would not be in the best interest of the White House or congressional Democrats to have two of its most powerful chairmen battle over consumer protection on the House floor. The schedule is not yet posted, but the Rules Committee reconciliation could occur as early as next week.

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Heading into the House Financial Services Committee's markup of the CFPA bill last week, a handful of moderate, pro-business Democrats—including Reps. Melissa Bean (IL) and Jim Himes (CT)—banded together with the intention of significantly watering down bill language that scraps long-standing federal preemption laws related to consumer protection. However, merely a week later, and in the midst of suggestions from Democratic colleagues that a reinstitution of federal preemption laws would hamper the rulemaking ability of the states and ultimately poison the overarching bill, Bean and her allies were only able to muster a few drops as the committee approved legislation this morning by a vote of 39-29.

Instead, by voice vote, the committee agreed yesterday to an amendment to the Consumer Financial Protection Agency Act of 2009 (H.R. 3126) that allows the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) or the Office of Thrift Supervision to intervene and preempt state laws on a limited basis, only in cases where state law discriminates against nationally chartered institutions or “significantly interferes with” national banks’ ability to engage in banking. Offered by Reps. Mel Watt (D-NC) and Dennis Moore (D-KS), the amendment still leaves in place bill language that severely limits the exemptions from state laws that nationally chartered thrifts, banks, and their operating subsidiaries have enjoyed since 2004. 

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While Senate Banking Committee leaders Sens. Chris Dodd (D-CT) and Richard Shelby (R-AL) have been engaged in a public display of bipartisanship about shaping comprehensive financial services reform legislation, it appears difficulties are arising in finding common ground on key issues. What we hear on Capitol Hill is that development of a detailed legislative proposal is now taking place almost exclusively on the Democratic side. GOP involvement has been minimal in recent weeks as Sen. Dodd's team seeks to pull together a draft piece of legislation.

The earlier goal of releasing a bipartisan draft in October and having a committee markup soon thereafter is proving elusive. Committee staff continues to work on a comprehensive measure including the controversial Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA) and—one way or another—we expect something to emerge from that process in the next few weeks. Key committee members believe the CFPA is the one thing on which the Administration will draw a line in the sand, so opponents of that agency should not expect any early "give" on that front from the Democratic side. The major issues on that topic will center on the scope of the agency's authority and the powers it will have.

The issue of systemic risk regulation is under active discussion at the committee and it appears unlikely the Fed will be given that role. One indicator of the Fed's unpopularity at the committee these days is that there appears to be some reticence to move quickly on re-confirmation hearings for Fed Chair Ben Bernanke. Committee leaders would like to avoid hearings that might color the committee's deliberations on financial reform legislation. So even though his term is up at the end of the year, we would not be surprised to see Bernanke's reconfirmation delayed until after the New Year. He can stay in office beyond the expiration of his term, so there is no burning need to get the process completed right on time.

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Following last week’s unveiling of his newly-modified draft bill to create a Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA), House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) announced Wednesday his intention mark up the bill the week of October 12. While the philosophical debate between House Democrats and Republicans over the CFPA’s creation may be coming to a close, the debate amongst Democrats over the CFPA’s contours may be just beginning.

Federal preemption of state banking regulations is one of the first issues to divide Democrats. During Wednesday's committee hearing, Democratic lawmakers expressed concerns over a provision in Frank’s draft that would scrap federal preemption laws related to consumer protection. The Frank bill would have the CFPA set a minimum federal threshold and enable the states to set stricter rules if they choose. The potential exposure of nationally chartered banks to different consumer financial protection laws in every state is a prospect some fear would be overly cumbersome.

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Ample debate time in Washington can bring the good with the bad. As healthcare reform continues to dominate the congressional agenda leading into the fall, lawmakers have been granted an opportunity to finely tune the legislative details of financial reform—but also a window to resurrect previously rejected ideas from the dead.

This week, House Financial Services Committee (HFSC) Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) announced his intention to include the so-called “cramdown” legislation into his chamber's broader financial reform package, injecting new life into a divisive proposal that would allow bankruptcy judges to modify mortgages by extending the term, reducing the interest rate, or writing down the principal amount.

During a HFSC subcommittee hearing yesterday to assess the progress of the Making Home Affordable (MHA) Program, Chairman Frank joined a chorus of lawmakers in expressing disappointment that the Obama administration’s loan modification program has not assisted more distressed homeowners. According to Treasury data, MHA has only modified the loans of 12 percent of eligible delinquent borrowers. Figures from some of the large banks are even lower, with Wells Fargo reporting 11 percent of eligible borrowers and Bank of America coming in at 7 percent. Despite the low percentages, the administration is citing statistics that the program has helped reduce the monthly payments of 350,000 homeowners since March.
 

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After a summer of raucous town hall meetings, the dip in President Obama's poll numbers, and the death of Senator Ted Kennedy, members of the House and Senate may well be relieved to return to the routine of the Washington legislative process. With all the turmoil already seen and now expected, there is a flavor of the circus being back in town.

We're actually picturing a three-ring circus— the "main ring" in the middle is where the health care debate is playing out. In the smaller rings we have climate change and financial reform. The action will shift back and forth at various times but all three rings will have their moments of action. While the ultimate fate of climate change legislation is very much in doubt, health care reform and financial reform are better bets to see final or near-final action in the next four months.

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Even Cabinet Members (maybe ESPECIALLY Cabinet Members) need an August break. Various media outlets have reported that Treasury Secretary Geithner delivered an expletive-laced tirade to the principal U.S. financial regulators during a meeting last Friday, in what sources say was a clear show of frustration over the internal opposition to some key elements of the Obama administration's financial regulatory proposal.

Fortunately, for inquisitive lawmakers, several of the meeting attendees were on Capitol Hill today to testify before the Senate Banking Committee on “Strengthening and Streamlining Prudential Bank Supervision,” including Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) Chairman Sheila Bair, Federal Reserve Governor Daniel Tarullo, Acting Director of the Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS) John Bowman and Comptroller of the Currency John Dugan.

Confirming the veracity of the reports, the regulators were also unwilling to soften their criticism, as Bair and her fellow regulators expressed sharp resistance to the administration's proposal to consolidate the bank supervisory functions of the OTS and the OCC into a new National Banking Supervisor -- citing concerns that unified regulation would undercut the interests of community banks and would do little to close the most glaring regulatory gaps that occurred in the non-bank, or "shadow," banking system.

After hearing from the witnesses, Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) openly speculated about the administration's plan, commenting that it is “…a thoughtful proposal but I wonder if it is the right prescription.”  Then again, Dodd’s comments may offer more insight on where his mind has focused these past several weeks than about the financial reform outlook.

The House adjourned last Friday and the Senate will adjourn this Friday for the August recess. Dodd is going home to face some challenging poll numbers as he gears up his 2010 re-election campaign. The opinion landscape is shifting rapidly, and legislators may come back in September with some different notions than they left with in August. One thing is for certain, it is going to be a very busy fall.

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The House of Representatives took the first steps towards enacting President Obama’s sweeping financial reform proposal today, voting 237-185 to approve the Corporate and Financial Institution Compensation Fairness Act of 2009 (H.R. 3269) requiring all publicly-held companies to hold non-binding annual shareholder votes and expanding SEC authority over incentive-based compensation structures. Although the bill’s passage represents a major victory for the president and the Democratic Congress, it may prove to be the least controversial element of financial reform, as stark divisions remain on both sides of the aisle concerning the creation of a Consumer Financial Protection Agency and an expanded role for the Fed as a systemic risk regulator.

Unsurprisingly, this afternoon’s vote fell largely along party lines, with only two GOP members supporting the measure and 16 Democrats opposing. The House also approved, by a vote of 242-178, an amendment offered by Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) that struck language prohibiting “clawbacks ” of executive compensation approved by shareholders. The amendment also inserted language that would prohibit clawbacks of incentive-based pay if a compensation agreement was in effect prior to this bill's enactment.

As the executive compensation legislation moves to the other side of the Capitol, conventional wisdom dictates that the Senate saucer will ultimately cool the House’s hot teacup – but this historical assumption may not apply for this bill.  The executive compensation debate was further inflamed yesterday following the release of New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo's report showing that the nine largest U.S. banks paid out $32.6 billion in bonuses in 2008 -- a year in which total losses reached $81 billion and nearly $200 billion of taxpayer money was directly injected through the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP).  Moreover, a handful of lawmakers on the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee currently facing tough re-election bids in 2010 – including Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd (D-CT) – will likely avoid putting themselves in a vulnerable political position by advocating reforms that deviate too much from the House legislation.

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Your Financial Reform Watch team has reported before on key legislators' misgivings with the administration's plan to make the Fed the systemic risk regulator for so-called "Tier 1" financial holding companies. Those misgivings are holding sway now on Capitol Hill and are beginning to take hold in the administration itself.

Just yesterday, SEC Chairman Mary Shapiro and FDIC Chairman Sheila Bair were the latest to endorse what Shapiro referred to as a “hybrid approach,” one that would significantly strengthen the president’s current proposal of creating a Financial Services Oversight Council, responsible for collecting data and identifying emerging financial market risks for the Fed. Instead, both Shapiro and Bair envision a council of regulators that would work in concert with the central bank. Additionally, Bair recommended that, in order to ensure independence, the chairman of the council should be a presidential appointee subject to Senate confirmation.

On the Senate side, Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) and Ranking Member Richard Shelby (R-AL) are both giving voice to concerns about the enhanced role for the Fed. Shelby has been an outspoken critic of giving the Fed such authority from the start, but Dodd’s statements at a committee hearing yesterday that the “new authority could compromise the independence of the Fed when it provides monetary policy,” and that he “expect[s] changes to be made to this proposal," made it clear the Senate is heading in a direction different from the administration's.

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Expanding shareholder voting rights to include corporate executive compensation has been a topic of considerable debate in Washington over the past few years, but not until the fall of 2008—when the federal government began undertaking unprecedented steps to stabilize the financial system—did “say on pay” gain real momentum. By late fall, there was strong public outcry for action as recipients of government bailout money reported high executive salaries and bonuses that appeared disconnected from their companies' financial health.

Congress took the first steps towards strengthening investor influence by imposing say on pay requirements for all Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) recipients in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, passed in February. However, in response to public uproar over American International Group’s (AIG) distribution of $165 million in corporate bonuses to their much-maligned financial products unit, the Obama Administration went one step further in early June by proposing an extension of say on pay to all publicly-traded companies.

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The Treasury Department today released draft legislative language that would require all public companies to hold annual, non-binding shareholder votes on executive compensation packages as well as impose stricter standards to ensure the independence of corporate compensation committees. The "Say on Pay" proposal is modeled after a rule the United Kingdom adopted in 2002. Starting December 15, 2009, proxy materials will have to include tables summarizing the salary, bonus, stock option awards, and total compensation package for senior executives and also narrative explanations of any golden parachute and pension compensation packages. In the event of a merger or acquisition, companies will need to hold separate votes on golden parachutes and must lay out simply and clearly what the departing executives will receive.

To ensure the independence of corporate compensation committee members, the legislation calls for "exacting new standards" modeled on how Sarbanes Oxley established the independence of audit committees. The provisions would require compensation committees to be granted the funding and authority necessary to hire compensation consultants, legal counsel, and other advisers—all of whom should be independent of the company's management—to help the committee negotiate pay packages that are "in the best interests of shareholders."

Financial Reform Watch will be tracking this legislation as it moves through Congress.

Treasury: Proposed Legislation re Executive Compensation or "Say on Pay" (PDF)

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Late yesterday afternoon, the Treasury Department released draft legislation that would require advisers to hedge funds, private equity funds, venture capital funds, and other private pools of capital to register with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) if they have more than $30 million of assets under management. In addition to registering, the advisers will be subjected to new reporting, recordkeeping, compliance, and disclosure requirements as well as conflict of interest and anti-fraud prohibitions. In its release, Treasury said,

"The Administration's legislation would help protect investors from fraud and abuse, provide increased transparency, and provide the information necessary to assess whether risks in the aggregate or risks in any particular fund pose a threat to our overall financial stability."

Financial Reform Watch will be tracking this legislation as it moves through Congress.

Treasury:  Proposed Legislatve Language for the Registration of Hedge Funds (PDF) 

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The quick emergence of GM and Chrysler from bankruptcy has been viewed as a victory for the Obama Administration in demonstrating that the government is focused on moving the companies through their restructuring and keeping them on the road to once again being private companies. Now a majority of Members of the House, including two key Democratic leaders, are pushing legislation that could jeopardize the restructuring plans supported by the White House.

As we write this, a bipartisan group of 240 House Members and 20 Senators are supporting legislation that will allow auto dealers who have lost their franchises in the restructuring to recover them simply by requesting their reinstatement from the auto companies. The legislation was attached to the House version of the Financial Services Appropriations bill last week by a unanimous vote of 60 to 0. The legislation would require Chrysler and GM, at the request of an auto dealer, to restore the dealer franchise agreement in effect prior to each manufacturer’s bankruptcy proceeding. The bill could save around 2000 franchises according to some estimates, although that may be high, since many dealers have already closed. Some had feared the House Rules Committee would remove the language from the Financial Services Appropriations bill, but the language will remain in section 745 of the bill when the House votes on the measure tomorrow.

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Demonstrating that Congress intends to put its own stamp on financial reform legislation, House Democrats on July 8 introduced their own scaled-back version of the new consumer protection agency proposed by President Obama. Coming on the heels of the president’s release of draft legislation to create a new independent regulator for financial products and services, House Democrats responded quickly on Wednesday by unveiling the Consumer Financial Protection Agency Act of 2009 (HR 3126).

The bill was introduced by House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA). While it retains many of the key provisions outlined within the White House bill—including the transfer of consumer financial regulations to the CFPA in order for the new agency to write and enforce rules on financial products of both banks and non-banks—it is notable for several significant differences from the Obama proposal that may limit the CFPA’s jurisdiction.

In particular, the House bill preserves the current regulatory enforcement structure for the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA), which is overseen by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC), the Federal Reserve, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) and the Office of Thrift Supervision (OTS) in order to ensure that depository institutions are engaging in fair lending practices to low-income communities. Additionally, unlike the President’s bill, which assumes a merger with OTS and OCC to form a new prudential regulator titled the National Bank Supervisory (NBS), H.R. 3126 makes no mention of NBS. Frank’s press release goes on to state that the details of the President’s merger proposal will be considered “at [a] later date.”
 

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The Treasury Department today released draft legislation outlining a central pillar of the Obama administration’s financial regulatory overhaul: the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Agency (CFPA), an independent regulator with broad authority over “any financial product or service” used by consumers. Seeking to clarify the administration’s June 17th white paper on financial regulatory reform, the legislation provides lawmakers and industry leaders with the statutory details regarding the proposed CFPA.

According to the draft language, in order to continuously monitor consumer risks, the agency—composed of a five-member board led by a presidentially-appointed director subject to Senate confirmation—would collect information related to loans, products, and services from both banks and non-banks. Additionally, consumer financial regulations that are currently divided among several agencies—the Federal Reserve, FDIC, Office of Comptroller of the Currency, Office of Thrift Supervision, Federal Trade Commission, and National Credit Union Administration—will be consolidated within the CFPA. The legislation would have these regulators transfer functions, rules, and employees to the new CFPA within six to eighteen months following enactment. The agency must research, analyze, and report on consumer awareness and understanding of financial products, related disclosure statements, related risks and benefits, and consumer behavior related to such products. The agency would also collect and track consumer complaints and create a new, integrated disclosure form for mortgage transactions, unless the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Fed can achieve the same goal prior to the transfer of such responsibilities to the CFPA. There are also provisions related to civil penalties and enforcement authority.

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House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA) changed the game yesterday with his announcement that the House would tackle financial reform by considering a series of smaller, targeted bills rather than a more comprehensive reform bill. Frank said he anticipates his committee will move four to six separate bills between July and the end of the year. First out of the gate will be legislation to create a new "Consumer Financial Protection Agency" proposed by the Obama administration.

With Frank’s Senate counterpart, Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT), fully occupied managing health care legislation, the timeline continues to slip in the upper chamber. Frank remains committed, however, to working the major issues through his committee this summer, and has already scheduled thirteen hearings and markups for July.

There is little doubt Congress will impose new consumer protections on the financial service industry. Whether it will create a new agency to police them remains to be seen. Given budget concerns and other competing priorities, Congress may ultimately determine to enhance the consumer protection requirements, including simplified disclosure, within the existing regulatory framework of the SEC, FDIC, Federal Reserve, and the potentially combined Offices of the Comptroller of the Currency and Thrift Supervision.

House Financial Services Committee Schedule

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Now that everyone has had a day or more to digest the Obama administration’s plan for Financial Regulatory Reform, suggestions, questions, and critiques are coming from all corners. Here is a sampling of the top issues under discussion.

Systemic Risk Regulator –

Sen. Mark Warner (D-VA), who sits on the Banking Committee, objects to the plan’s expansion of the Federal Reserve’s role in managing systemic risk, believing it would concentrate too much power in one entity. Warner instead proposes the establishment of a Systemic Risk Council comprised of the Treasury, the Fed, and the other financial regulators that would, together with a permanent council staff, be able to assess and minimize risks comprehensively across the financial landscape. The House Republicans also prefer the council approach, proposing their own version – the “Market Stability and Capital Adequacy Board”-- last week.

Tier I Financial Holding Companies --

What companies will be considered Tier I Financial Holding Companies and subject to new regulation by the Fed? The Fed and Treasury are to establish the criteria, but some companies that are not currently subject to federal regulation might include General Electric, Berkshire Hathaway, State Farm Insurance, or even WalMart. Those not used to federal regulation will be given five years to ease into the new regime – the non-financial activity restrictions in the Bank Holding Company Act.
 

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Last month we were entertained by a Financial Service Primer set in Winnie the Pooh’s Hundred Acre Wood. Since then, Christopher Robin has unveiled his big plan to reform the financial services markets.  Please click below to read about financial reform through a different lens.

Another Romp Through the Hundred Acre Wood

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Tired of being labeled as obstructionists, Republicans on the House Financial Services Committee on Thursday issued their plan for financial regulatory reform. Led by the committee’s Ranking Minority Member Spencer Bachus (R-AL) and TARP Congressional Oversight Committee member Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), the Republican solutions stem from three principles – prevent any future Wall Street bailouts; stop the government from picking winners and losers in the financial system; and restore market discipline.

While the Republican plan does not address every issue -- most notably missing is insurance regulation – those included represent a consensus view within their caucus. Bachus described their plan as a “line in the sand” from which Republicans can negotiate with the Democrats. Hensarling, who before coming to Congress served on the executive compensation committee of a company publicly traded on the New York Stock Exchange, was particularly critical of the latest push to regulate compensation. A better approach, Hensarling believes, is the creation of a new “Market Stability and Capital Adequacy Board,” which would be charged with flagging risky practices across the board. The Republicans offered as an example the practice of rewarding loan originators for loan volume with no regard to loan quality, saying that such a board would have been able to halt that.

The White House plans to release its comprehensive reform plan on June 17th. Will the Obama administration give a nod to bipartisanship by including a few elements of the Republican plan? Financial Reform Watch will compare and contrast the plans later this week.

Central Elements of the Republican Plan

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The European Commission yesterday put forward its framework proposal on Financial Supervision in Europe. The proposal covers a set of far-reaching reforms to the current architecture of supervisory committees, with the creation of a new European Systemic Risk Council (ESRC) and European System of Financial Supervisors (ESFS), composed of new European Supervisory Authorities. Legislation to embody these proposals will follow in the autumn and will thus be finalized under the leadership of new Commissioners who will be appointed during the summer.

With this initiative, the Commission is responding to the weaknesses identified during the financial crisis as well as to the G20 call to take action to build a stronger, more globally consistent, regulatory and supervisory system for financial services. The proposed financial supervision package involves two key elements.

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The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) call earlier this week for Europe to conduct stress tests on individual banks has again put the solvency of European banks and the EU’s efforts to clean up bank balance sheets into the spotlight. The solvency ratios of European banks are often lower than those of their US counterparts, making them more vulnerable to write-downs and requirements to raise further capital. The IMF likened the stress tests to a good “spring cleaning.”

Most estimates show that European banks still have significant write downs ahead of them, which in turn will make further government interventions necessary. For instance, the Belgian government on Thursday had to step in to help its troubled banking sector by offering guarantees to KBC Bank. The measure became necessary through the possible default of MBIA Inc, the New York-based bond insurer.

However, European banks argue that US-style stress tests are less applicable to their institutions, because the economic fundamentals and accounting rules are different. The EU officials are also satisfied that individual national regulators have long been conducting stress testing and that there is no need to make them public.

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In a more subdued response to the AIG bonus brouhaha than last week, the House Financial Services Committee yesterday approved legislation that would amend the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act to prohibit companies receiving TARP money from paying “unreasonable and excessive compensation and compensation not based on performance standards.” Two Republicans, Reps. Ed Royce (CA) and Walter B. Jones (NC), broke ranks to vote with the committee’s Democrats in favor of the bill (H.R. 1664). Some of our Congressional sources have said the full House may vote on H.R. 1664 as early as next week. The Senate, however, is almost certain not to address executive compensation until after it returns on April 20th from the spring Congressional recess. Democratic leaders from both sides of the Capitol have greatly dialed down the executive compensation rhetoric since last week.

Under H.R. 1664, the Treasury Secretary, with the members of the Financial Institutions Examination Council, would have a month to define “unreasonable and excessive compensation” and set performance based standards that companies would use to determine circumstances under which a bonus or retention payment would be allowed. Examples of the standards Treasury is to include are the stability of the financial institution; its ability to repay the government; individual performance; employees’ adherence to risk management requirements; and any others that would provide greater accountability to shareholders and taxpayers.

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Congress took the first major step yesterday in levying heavy taxes on bonuses paid to executives of AIG and to institutions who have been recipients of significant (more that $ 5 billion) assistance from the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) in recent months. In a move best described as spasmodic, the House voted 323-93 to place a 90 percent tax on the bonuses of TARP-recipient executives with adjusted gross incomes over $250,000.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) moved to bring the legislation to the floor yesterday, but Sen. Kyl (R-AZ) blocked the attempt, saying the Senate needs more time to consider the ramifications. Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-MT) and Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-IA) introduced a bill late yesterday that would impose a 70 percent excise tax—35 percent on the TARP recipient companies and 35 percent on their executives—on excessive bonuses, defined as anything exceeding $50,000 in a calendar year.

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There was plenty of activity in Washington this week but none of it enough to settle the roiling stock market, which keeps sinking like a rock. Is there too much activity or not enough of the right kind of activity?

From the White House and the Treasury—The Obama Administration released the details of its “Making Home Affordable” program, which was introduced in February. With incentives for mortgage holders and servicers, audit and documentation requirements, and qualification limits, major industry players such as the Mortgage Bankers Association and the American Bankers Association reacted positively to the new details.

From the Treasury—Secretary Tim Geithner was on Capitol Hill most of the week defending and explaining the president’s budget proposal, especially the $250 billion “contingent reserve” amount in the Treasury budget to support up to $750 billion worth of asset purchases. Geithner assured the Senate Finance Committee that the $750 billion is not an estimate of future rescue efforts, but rather “just a recognition of reality that it’s possible we’re going to need to do this with more resources.” The Secretary promised to provide more details in the coming weeks on future bailout efforts, including plans for the remaining $300 billion of TARP funds, and the eagerly anticipated public private partnership to take on troubled assets.

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The New Democrat Coalition is not especially new, but the recent changes resulting from the 2008 elections and the financial crisis have given it new prominence and increased importance in the House of Representatives. The New Dems may be the moderating force behind financial regulatory reform in Congress. Already, several of its centrist members helped stall the mortgage cramdown legislation that was scheduled for a House vote yesterday and is now pushed out to next week to allow for changes that can attract additional votes from moderates.

Founded in 1997, the New Democrat Coalition is “committed to enacting policies that encourage economic growth, maintain U.S. competitiveness, meet the new challenges posed by globalization in the 21st century, and strengthen our standing in the world.” With 67 Democratic House members, sixteen of whom are on the House Financial Services Committee, the coalition is taking on “regulatory reform of the financial services industry” through its Financial Services Task Force. It is chaired by Reps. Melissa Bean (D-IL) and Jim Himes (D-CT), who both have business backgrounds, and Himes is an alumnus of Goldman Sachs. The New Dems Chairwoman, Rep. Ellen Tauscher (D-CA), is a former investment banker who was one of the first women ever to hold a seat on the New York Stock Exchange.

The group just released its 21 principles for financial regulatory reform organized around the goals of efficient and effective regulation; market stability and transparency; and robust consumer and investor protection. One principle shows a willingness to reform the way in which mark-to-market accounting rules are applied, something that House Republicans have wanted to do for months. Perhaps the New Dems can help revive the bipartisanship that has been lacking in the House thus far this year.

New Democrat Coalition's 21 Principles for Reforming the Financial System (PDF)

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On the first full day of the Obama Administration, key federal officials outlined a potential strategy for managing the government rescue of the financial sector. At his confirmation hearing today, Treasury Secretary-designate Tim Geithner told the Senate Finance Committee that the Obama Administration is considering the establishment of a “bad bank” or an “aggregator bank” that would take over the toxic asset-backed securities currently corroding the U.S. banking system. Several lawmakers have suggested the concept of a federally-operated entity modeled after the Resolution Trust Corporation, which, from 1989 to 1995, took over and liquidated 747 failed thrifts with assets of $394 billion. An aggregator bank would cost several trillion dollars according to various experts, including former Federal Reserve Chairman and current Obama economic advisor Paul Volcker.

Today Geithner assured the Senate panel that President Obama “will come before the Congress in the next few weeks and lay out to the American people a comprehensive plan to help stabilize the core of the financial system so that banks, which are so critical to our economy, are able to provide the credit necessary to get recovery going again.” He also promised to reform the TARP program with increased taxpayer protections, transparency, foreclosure mitigation for homeowners, and access to credit for small business owners.

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In another indication of the knock-on effects of the financial crisis, the auto industry's number one supporter in Congress suffered a preliminary defeat today in his effort to retain a powerful House committee chairmanship. House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman John Dingell (D-MI) failed to get enough Democratic leadership votes today to retain his chairmanship over challenger Rep. Henry Waxman (D-CA). The Democratic Steering Committee, a leadership organization responsible for determining Democratic committee assignments, voted for Waxman by a vote of 25-22. Waxman is one of the most liberal members of Congress and a champion of environmental issues. Many environmental activists believe that Dingell has spent too long protecting the auto industry, which has resulted in a weakened industry that has failed to produce the cleaner, more efficient cars that consumers want.

The good news for Dingell is he gets a do-over with the full Democratic Caucus which is likely to vote tomorrow to accept or reject the steering committee decision. Dingell believes he has enough votes to prevail over Waxman. The two-dozen incoming Democratic freshmen will participate in that vote, and some believe that Waxman, who endorsed Barack Obama in the Democratic primary, will have more sway with the freshman class. Dingell, who endorsed Hillary Clinton, is expected to draw support from politically moderate members and older members, who are committed to preserving the seniority system.

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While the machinery to oversee Treasury's management of the programs under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (EESA) has been slow to gear up, there are signs that the pieces are beginning to fall into place. This comes not a moment too soon, as the clamor from the media and from Capitol Hill for more transparency has been building in the past ten days.

On Friday, November 14th, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) announced they have picked three of the five members of the Congressional Oversight Panel (COP) established by the EESA. The other two members are to be chosen by House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH) and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY). The fact that the Democratic leaders did not coordinate the announcement of appointments with their Republican counterparts makes it clear that the day of bipartisan cooperation on Capitol Hill has not yet dawned.

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The Senate returns to work today and the House is scheduled to convene on Wednesday. In the past several days, it has become clear that neither significant economic stimulus nor aid to the auto industry is likely to be approved during this "lame duck" session of the 110th Congress. The sticking point appears to be the inability of Democratic leaders to attract sufficient Republican support for either measure.

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Most people in Washington are carefully tracking political polls today, trying to predict the fates of their presidential and congressional candidates. However, there are others both inside and outside of Washington studying another survey released this afternoon—the Federal Reserve’s quarterly Senior Loan Officer Survey.

The October 2008 Senior Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices confirms what many have suspected—credit markets are still struggling. Conducted October 2-16, the survey gathered responses from 55 domestic banks and 21 U.S. branches of foreign banks. The survey focuses on two areas:

1. changes in the amounts of commercial and industrial (C&I) loans and
2. changes in credit limits on existing credit card accounts for prime and non-prime borrowers.

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Events of yesterday continued to demonstrate how major elements of the current financial crisis are interrelated. First, with the world waiting to see how a new administration in Washington will approach the financial crisis, President Bush's announcement of a November 15 summit of international leaders puts the discussion of a new regulatory regime for the financial sector squarely in the middle of the U.S. presidential transition. While both Sens. John McCain and Barack Obama praised the summit, it will present the winner of the November 4 election with an interesting quandary—how to participate in and/or react to the event. It may also force the hand of the President-Elect to name his economic team before the summit takes place. Doing so will allow the administration-in-waiting to have a more organized response to the events of the summit.

Second, the impacts of the financial crisis on the U.S. auto industry may be putting additional pressure on the $700 billion rescue package enacted on October 3. As potential car buyers continue to face a credit crunch, bipartisan leaders of the Michigan congressional delegation yesterday urged the Treasury to make a portion of the funds available to back auto loans. The request came from House Energy and Commerce Committee Chair John Dingell (D-MI) and Rep. Fred Upton (R-MI). If Treasury takes up that suggestion, funds available to supply capital to community banks or purchased troubled mortgages would be reduced.

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Testimony from academics and industry during today’s House Financial Services Committee hearing produced broad bipartisan consensus that the current regulatory structure is outdated. Testifying on behalf of industry were leaders from the Independent Community Bankers Association (ICBA), the Financial Services Roundtable, the American Bankers Association (ABA), and the Securities Industry and Financial Markets Association. As the committee’s first major hearing following the federal financial rescue efforts, it covered a wide swath of issues outlined below. 

• Creation of a Select Committee on Financial Reform—Chairman Barney Frank and several members supported this idea. In addition to Financial Services Committee members, a select committee would include members from the House Committees on Oversight and Government Reform, Agriculture, and Ways and Means. One of the academic witnesses, University of Rochester President Joel Seligman, suggested a commission modeled after the 9-11 Commission. 
• Derivatives—What role did credit default swaps play in the financial crisis? Should there be increased capitalization requirements for derivatives’ issuers? The questions remain, but most agreed on the need for increased oversight of complex financial derivatives. 

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As the stock market continues its seesaw sessions this week, the Treasury Department is focusing on implementation of the programs that flow from the financial rescue package assembled in recent weeks.

After Monday's announcement of the capital infusion to the nine largest US banks, attention is turning to the thousands of community and regional banks nationwide that may be eligible for assistance from the capital purchase program. The Treasury Department has announced that November 14 is the deadline for institutions to get their applications in for assistance under the program. Our report on Tuesday, October 14 included the details of the capital purchase program.

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The House of Representatives just passed the financial rescue package (H.R. 1424) by a vote of 263 to 171. The breakdown of Democrats and Republicans supporting the bill was 172 and 91 respectively. The Democrats picked up 32 votes and the Republicans picked up 26.

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The president signed the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 within hours of the House passing the bill on October 3rd. As the administration begins the important work of implementing the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), we thought it would be instructive to explore the reasons why House Democrats and Republicans shifted their votes so that Monday’s defeat became Friday’s victory.

Although one Democrat switched from a yes to no (Rep. Jim McDermott, D-WA), 33 House Democrats switched their votes to support the rescue plan on Friday. The fiscally conservative Blue Dog Caucus, which had been almost evenly split on Monday added five more to the yes column on Friday. A large number of freshman Democrats and Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) members, many of whom had been skeptical of the bailout plan on Monday, shifted in support of the final package. The 31 of 39 CBC members who voted yes said they did so based on the promises of Sen. Barack Obama, who said he would deliver economic stimulus legislation, a change in bankruptcy laws, and more regulation of Wall Street early in an Obama Administration. Democrats also picked up seven California members due to the escalation of financial problems in their state.

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Wall Street is still on pins and needles due to the increase in jobless claims, the decline in factory orders, and the uncertainty surrounding tomorrow’s House vote on the financial rescue plan. The Dow Jones Industrial Average lost nearly 350 points today.

The House Rules Committee is meeting as we write. Our contacts on the Hill are telling us to expect a "closed rule," which means the House would not be able to amend the Senate-passed legislation. The House is scheduled to convene at 9 a.m. tomorrow for a yet-undetermined amount of debate followed by the vote.

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Last night's Senate vote on the financial rescue plan, a 74-25 victory, followed the pattern of Monday's House vote. The more conservative and liberal Senators voted against it as well as Senators in tight races. Since only one-third of the Senate must stand for re-election, the third category had much less impact than in the House.

On the House side, there are signs of positive movement on both sides of the aisle. Based on conversations with our contacts on the Hill, we believe as many as 20-25 members who voted against the package on Monday may now support the plan.

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The Senate passed the financial reform package tonight by a vote of 74 to 25. We'll have more analysis in the morning and a look ahead to House action.

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With confidence in Senate passage running high, Washington's attention -- and Wall Street's -- is turning back to the House. House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-SC) told reporters this afternoon that he expects the House to vote on the Senate rescue package on Friday. On Thursday, the House will likely debate the "rule" for the package, which dictates whether and how members can amend the legislation.

Discussion today has focused on the impact in the House of the items the Senate is adding to the legislative package. The calculus involved is illustrated by looking at one of the "add-ons," the one-year fix for the alternative minimum tax (AMT). If Congress does not alter the AMT, as many as 22 million additional taxpayers, including many middle income taxpayers, could confront it in April. The House recently voted on a stand-alone AMT relief bill on September 24, and 393 members voted for it – 200 Democrats and 193 Republicans.

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Last night Senate leadership announced that the Senate will vote today on the financial rescue plan. The only substantive change announced to the previous package was the lifting to $250,000 of the cap for FDIC insurance coverage of deposit accounts.

Sen. Chris Dodd (D-CT), Chair of the Senate Banking Committee, said he will offer an additional amendment, but that it will only include "agreed upon" items.

In a move that may complicate things somewhat, the Senate has also attached to the package a tax break extender bill covering a number of provisions. This legislation has been "ping-ponging" around the Capitol for months, with the House and Senate leaders differing over the approach.
 

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The stock market closed a few minutes ago and today's increase of 485 points in the Dow Jones Industrial Average is indicative of the view that Washington is moving past the shock of yesterday's House vote and towards a new push to enact a financial rescue package.

Key leadership players have been working hard today to rally the troops and change the package in ways that will garner additional votes in the House. The White House conducted a series of outreach calls today to groups ranging from GOP "insiders" to representatives of state and local government and other advocacy organizations. All of this was designed to drive home the point that action is needed on a plan very much like the one put before the House yesterday. Congressional leaders have been doing likewise. Individual Members of Congress -- many of whom have gone home for the two day Rosh Hashanah break -- are also hearing from their constituents. Given the recent tenor of constituent input, that may not be helpful.

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Washington is stepping back from yesterday's debacle in the House of Representatives and taking a deep breath. Yesterday's surprising 205-228 defeat of the financial rescue plan has caused leaders of both parties to assess the situation within their caucuses, and they are thinking about what is required to gain passage of the package. Our first report today will focus on an analysis of the vote yesterday. Our second report will discuss potential changes to the plan that might garner the necessary votes.

Our analysis suggests that if leaders make carefully selected changes to the package, the votes will be there when Congress returns on Thursday. We draw that conclusion after a careful review of the roll call in the House.

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Progress towards action in the House and Senate continues apace. House leaders expect a vote on the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act tomorrow. The Senate will take up the measure as well, but action on Monday may be limited to filing a cloture petition, which would mature on Wednesday. The Senate could vote tomorrow if leaders can obtain a unanimous consent agreement, but that is difficult.

While the bipartisan, bicameral leadership appears united on approving the package, there is enough opposition on the right and left to make things interesting. This is particularly true in the House, where some influential members on both ends of the spectrum are organizing opposition.

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According to our contacts, Congressional leaders do not expect to finish drafting the financial rescue legislation before early this evening. As reported earlier, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi promised to post the final legislation on the Internet by noon today. The timing indicates the House will not vote on the package before tomorrow afternoon at the earliest, given that all sides will need time to review the final package. At a news conference this afternoon, key negotiator Sen. Judd Gregg (R-NH) said he would like to see the Senate vote on Monday. We expect the Senate will vote on the House-passed bill later in the week, following the Jewish holiday. In the meantime, we have received outlines from House and Senate staff privy to the negotiations.

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House and Senate negotiators and the Administration reached a deal overnight on the financial rescue package. Staff has spent a sleepless night drafting and a vote in the House is expected as early a this evening.

Our next report will have more details, but the plan does include the following

• A total of $ 700 billion for investment in troubled assets.
• A phased approach to releasing funds as described in our report last evening.
• A requirement for the president to submit a plan for recouping lost funds if the program does not turn a profit upon the sale of assets.
• Limits on "golden parachutes" for executives of forms from which assets are purchased.

The other elements are largely along the lines readers of these reports will expect.

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Leading negotiators from the House and Senate began a negotiating session at noon today with a goal to work as long as it takes to resolve the 15 issues remaining on the table. They are taking a break as we write this, with plans to return to their discussions this evening. Secretary Paulson is in the Capitol to assist the negotiators and ensure the Administration's views are being taken into account. Momentum continues to build towards the announcement of a deal by Sunday afternoon. Leaders of the House and Senate hope to have votes on Monday, but the complexities of drafting the legislation may require that votes be pushed off until after Rosh Hashanah which ends on Tuesday at sundown.

As this afternoon's negotiating session began Sens. Judd Gregg (R-NH) and Mitch McConnell (R-KY) both said the Senators and Representatives meeting today would stay in the room until a deal was reached. While that may be over-optimistic, it is indicative of the fact that these leaders are feeling pressure to get something accomplished.

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The Dow Jones Industrial Average is ending the week with an increase of 138 points based on today's news that discussions over the financial rescue package are moving forward. Expectations for enactment of a package are such that key legislators are now pointing to the opening of the Asian markets on Monday, which takes place Sunday night East Coast Time, as the deadline for, at the very least, having a consensus rescue package ready for passage.

At this point, there are four key negotiators finalizing the terms of a legislative compromise: House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA), Senate Banking Committee Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT), House Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-MO), and Senate Budget Committee Ranking Member Judd Gregg (R-NH).

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) held a news conference earlier this afternoon declaring that Gregg has full authority to represent Senate Republicans. Gregg, who appeared with McConnell, told reporters the markets are "telling us we better do something, and they're telling us in pretty stark terms." While Gregg agreed there are still "knotty and difficult issues" to negotiate, he said they are making progress.

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Momentum continues to build for enactment of the $700 billion Administration plan to buy troubled assets from financial institutions. As an indicator of the increasingly upbeat mood around the package, the Dow Jones Industrial Average increased by over 200 points for the day.

As we write this, President Bush is meeting with Sens. McCain and Obama and Congressional leaders to discuss how to advance the plan. While this meeting is viewed by many as a sideshow, a forceful statement by the sitting president and the two men seeking to replace him will add to the overall sense that action on Capitol Hill is soon possible.

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There has been a seismic shift in Congressional attitude over the past 48 hours. Skepticism over the administration’s plan has evolved into hardened resolve to achieve consensus and pass a financial relief package as soon as possible. People are still reluctant to commit to a timeframe, but the pace has quickened. Whereas two days ago, Senate staff were waiting for their House counterparts to draft a plan, reports now indicate that both sides began working together yesterday to craft a single, unified plan.

Publicly, several lawmakers, including Senate Banking Chairman Chris Dodd (D-CT) and House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA), have said Congress and the administration are very close to striking a deal in the next “day or so.” At 10 a.m. this morning Frank hosted Dodd as well as Sen. Bob Bennett (R-UT), a senior member of the Senate Banking Committee, and Rep. Spencer Bachus (R-AL), the ranking member of the House Financial Services Committee, to continue drafting the plan. We have reports that the drafting session will expand to include others and will continue all day. Congressional leaders are working to have a consensus plan by today’s 4 p.m. meeting at the White House with President Bush and the presidential candidates.

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Spending their every waking hour on Capitol Hill trying to convince lawmakers to accept the financial bailout plan may finally be paying off for Treasury Secretary Paulson and Fed Chairman Bernanke. Reports coming out of meetings held this morning and early afternoon have been decidedly more upbeat than anything we have heard thus far.

In addition to testifying at hearings and briefing large groups, Paulson held a private meeting earlier with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH). While aides would not confirm whether the leaders and Paulson struck an agreement, there are signs the administration has made changes to the Paulson plan. In his House Banking Committee testimony this afternoon, close watchers noted that Paulson modified his remarks to allow for a compromise on limiting executive compensation as long as it does not "undermine the effectiveness of the program."

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Washington continues its bipolar approach to dealing with the Bush Administration's proposed plan to purchase, manage and sell troubled assets from financial institutions. Key leaders continue to work on the contours of a plan so that it can be voted on late this week. At the same time, rank and file Members, particularly on the GOP side, are turning up the volume on their objections. We continue to believe prospects are good for enactment of a plan to create a $700 billion investment to purchase assets. However it is clear that several pounds of flesh will be extracted from Secretary Paulson along the way.

Since yesterday, it has become more evident that executive compensation limits of some kind will be included in the final plan. The Administration still opposes this strongly, but they will have little choice but to accept it. Otherwise, there appears to be agreement on including outside oversight over Treasury on the program, protections against foreclosures on homeowners, and the option for Treasury to take warrants for stock from companies that sell assets to them.

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This morning’s Senate Banking Committee hearing was still continuing as the Bush Administration, House Banking Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D-MA), and House leadership were making plans for an urgent briefing today at 4 p.m. to convince House members to agree to the Treasury’s Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP). Press reports about this morning’s House Democratic and Republican conference meetings characterized members’ reactions as “resistant.” Our sources on the Hill and off are saying the meetings were worse than reported, and the mood at both was antagonistic. As of now, the House does not have anywhere near the 218 votes needed to pass the Treasury plan, even with Chairman Frank’s endorsement.

Members of the Senate Banking Committee, including Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY), questioned whether the TARP could be funded in installments, precluding the need for Congress to authorize $700 billion in one lump sum. However, both Federal Reserve Chairman Bernanke and Paulson rejected the suggestion, saying that bolstering consumer confidence requires Treasury to have the full $700 billion authority, even if they do not utilize the entire amount. Both Paulson and Bernanke repeated on several occasions that lawmakers must not view the $700 billion as an expenditure, but as an investment that would be recovered – though perhaps not in full – over time.

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While congressional leaders and the Administration continue to make progress in developing a compromise $700 billion package to shore up the financial markets, this morning’s news is that skeptics in both parties are making their voices heard very strongly. This skepticism is not likely to derail the plan altogether, but it may slow its path to enactment.

Events in public and in private this morning have brought out the opponents of Secretary Paulson’s plan. A public hearing at the Senate Banking Committee began at 10 a.m. this morning and continues as this is written. At the hearing, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke emphasized the importance of quick action on the plan. He said financial institutions continue to be at risk and the pending plan will be important to staving off further failures. Secretary Paulson pressed again for a “clean” piece of legislation (meaning with minimal add-ons) but also telegraphed some flexibility on issues like oversight and mortgage assistance for homeowners. Members of the committee from both sides of the aisle hit the Administration hard for pushing a plan that appears to be a “blank check” for the Treasury Secretary.

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